White Boy Winter ☃️❄️⛷️

The driving forces behind a more “socialist” AfD can be found in Germany’s east, where firebrand party leaders like Björn Höcke of Thuringia have long called for “a party of patriotism and solidarity.” For many, that is a thinly veiled bow to National Socialism. Höcke and Jürgen Pohl, an AfD Bundestag member, put forward some of the program’s key ingredients, which include higher pensions and inclusion of the self-employed in the state-run pension funds – policies that would focus on ethnic Germans.

🇩🇪🇩🇪 Is AfD based or cucked? As an expert in German politics, I've written an explainer...

What most people outside of Germany get wrong in their analysis because they don't understand the Federal Republic's domestic politics very well is that AfD isn't simply Alice Weidel. She is just the figurehead at the top of the ticket.

AfD can only be understood by the decentralised nature of its party structure which looks like this:

First level: 2 Co-leaders (Weidel & Chrupalla)
Second level: 3 Deputy co-leaders
Third level: Federal executive board (which is made up of a number of individuals)
Fourth level: State associations for Germany's 16 Bundesländer/states (these are largely autonomous)

Apart from the first tier, the leadership level, the hard-right völkisch and ethnonationalist faction known as 'Der Flügel' – which is led by a man named Björn Höcke (you've likely heard of him before) – has members in every single level of the party's governance.

For instance, one of the three deputy leaders is a man named Stephan Brander. He is a staunch adherent of Der Flügel and one of Höcke's biggest allies. His Wikipedia page is linked, go look at the 'controversies' section 🤣

As for the AfD's state associations, they are mostly radical in the former East Germany which, funnily enough, corresponds with the party's strongest bases of support.

In a number of these states, Der Flügel not only controls the AfD's state leadership but dominates much of the administrative board. Perfect examples of this (but not limited to) are Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia and Saxony:

AfD Saxony-Anhalt Senior Management
Leader: Martin Reichardt (Flügel)
Co-deputy leader: Hans-Thomas Tillschneider (Flügel)
Co-deputy leader: Oliver Kirchner (Flügel)
Secretary general: Jan Wenzel Schmidt (Flügel)

AfD Thuringia Senior Management
Co-leader: Björn Höcke (Flügel)
Co-leader: Stefan Möller (Flügel)
Co-deputy leader: René Aust (Flügel)
Co-deputy leader: Torben Braga (Flügel)

AfD Saxony Senior Management
Leader: Jörg Urban (Flügel)
Co-deputy leader: Siegbert Droese (Flügel)
Co-deputy leader: Joachim Keiler (non-Flügel)
Co-deputy leader: Martina Jost (non-Flügel)
Secretary general: Jan-Oliver Zwerg (Flügel)

These three state associations of the AfD are classified by the German government as 'proven right-wing extremist organisations'. This is obviously a smear tactic to justify state persecution, but it's also true that these branches take hardline positions that are closer to our style of politics.

AfD state associations in Brandenburg and Bavaria (the latter played an important role in mainstreaming the term 'remigation' in Germany btw) are also predominantly Flügel-aligned, including their leaders. Other states like Baden-Württemberg, Bremen, Lower Saxony and Hesse are balanced between non-Flügel and Flügel, but as time increases the nationalist camp is winning out. AfD's youth wing is almost entirely made up of ethnic nationalists who openly associate and identify with the Identitarian movement and activists like Martin Sellner.

On the other hand, the AfD state branches that are considered more 'cucked' and part of Weidel's libertarian camp are:

— Schleswig-Holstein
— Rhineland Palatinate
— North Rhine-Westphalia
— Hamburg
— Saarland
— Berlin
— Mecklenburg-Vorpommern

Even in these states there's some prominent Flügel members, but they don't hold significant positions in the leadership.

Overall Assessment
AfD began as a eurosceptic libertarian party in 2013 and first gained notoriety for its free market policies and criticism of the euro. With the advent of the 2015-16 migrant crisis, their focus shifted from economics to anti-refugee sentiment.

During the period 2016 through to 2022, the party underwent open infighting between the libertarian wing in the tradition of Bernd Lucke and the emerging nationalist faction in the east. AfD co-leader Jörg Meuthen's resignation and subsequent departure from the party in January 2022 – citing concerns with rising party 'extremism' – ended the open warfare. The politics of distancing had ended.

Continuing... (1/3)

Most people associate criticism of capitalism primarily with left-wing sentiment. But there is also increasing anti-capitalism from the right.

As is well known, the AfD has electoral successes above all in East Germany, where anti-capitalism – as confirmed by numerous surveys – is much more widespread than in West Germany. There it deliberately focuses on the topic of “social patriotism” and thus wins over many voters who used to vote for the LEFT party. Right-wing anti-capitalism finds a theoretical foundation in authors such as Benedikt Kaiser or Götz Kubitschek.

One can build on a long historical tradition of right-wing anti-capitalism in Germany – from the so-called “Conservative Revolution” to National Socialism.

The critique of capitalism of the anti-capitalist right and their economic policy ideas differ only gradually from those of the left. In the programmatic publication “Solidarity Patriotism. The social question from the right” Kaiser, the best-known mastermind of this direction, repeatedly approvingly quotes left-wing authors – from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels to Sahra Wagenknecht.

Enemy images, on the other hand, are “market radicals”, “neoliberals”, “libertarians” – for example Ludwig von Mises, Milton Friedmann or Friedrich August von Hayek.

https://miwi-institut.de/archives/2207

This community of mine was all the way up to almost 10 K

https://x.com/ZoranZoltanous/status/1894259855411581182

#Russia #SmolenskCenter #FutureOfRussia #Interview 🔥 🇷🇺

The future of Russia 🇷🇺: an interview you cannot miss❗️

As we mark another anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine 🇺🇦 the question of Russia's future looms larger than ever. What lies ahead for this vast nation at the heart of global tensions?

🗓 On 3rd March 2025 at 15:30 CET, Kultura Europa together with Les Lansquenets brings you an exclusive online interview that dives into these pressing questions.

🎙 Featuring 🎙:

➡️ Gabriele Adinolfi & Giancarlo Ferrara

➡️ In dialogue with Vadim Sidorov, Russian dissident and Deputy of the Smolensk Center.

This is more than just a talk; it’s a deep dive into the political, social, and cultural crossroads Russia faces today. Don’t miss this opportunity to hear unique perspectives from Russian dissident, who is working on these subjects from many years.

Share this post❗️Be with us❗️See you on 03.03.2025❗️

🔴Les Lansquenets🔴

Fascism is a combination of fascio and fasces — a group of dedicated individuals committed to building a strong “totalitarian” state in the name of the primacy of the nation. Mussolini made it entirely clear that he intended “to destroy the old Italy of decadent liberalism and democracy and give birth to a young, virile, new Italy.” Having abandoned the idea of social revolution, he fully embraced the notion of national revolution aimed at upending the international status quo. 

This was behind the notion propagated by the fascists that Italy was a “proletarian nation” — a relatively backward country subordinate to the great European “plutocratic” nations (most notably Great Britain), which prevented Italy from realizing its economic potential and status as a great power. The ensuing conflict was one between the core and periphery. This notion was later adopted by Latin American economists, such as Raul Prebisch, the first secretary-general of the UN Conference on Trade and Development, to explain Latin America’s relative “backwardness.” Thus, it is hardly surprising that prominent Latin American populist leaders such as Juan Perón and, to a limited degree, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán were impressed by fascism, even if the latter considered Mussolini a “ridiculous” figure.

Mussolini’s goal was for Italy to catch up economically and militarily and to turn the country into a major world power. This was reflected in fascist economic policy, centered upon central planning, heavy regulation and protectionism. Given fascism’s ideational roots, it was hardly surprising that it was profoundly hostile to economic individualism, laissez-faire liberalism and capitalism, even if Mussolini was forced to make compromises on the economic front.

In general, fascist economic policy was pure socialism, as was its promotion of social welfare. As Sheri Berman puts it, fascism in the 1930s “spoke to the social and psychological needs of citizens to be protected from the ravages of capitalism at a time when other political actors were offering little help.” Fascism proposed a “national socialist” solution to the hardship experienced by ordinary citizens — a solution that was hardly original. The French Boulangist deputy and prominent writer Maurice Barrès had advanced a similar program as early as the 1890s in an attempt to appeal to working-class voters in his electoral district, the town of Nancy in Lorraine.

https://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/history-fascism-benito-mussolini-italian-world-history-italy-latest-news-64928/

I left a fat ass comment in the comment section that everybody should like! I corrected lots of errors that were in the video, even though the conclusions are good.