https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_anarchist_communities
A quick rebuttal to the claim that "anarchism has never worked," in case my anarchist friends need any more ammunition.
A quick rebuttal to the claim that "anarchism has never worked," in case my anarchist friends need any more ammunition.
Wikipedia
Anarchism
political philosophy and movement
Forwarded from SolarHoboism
We have no idea what the extent of the spread of Corona virus is in the US
Friendly reminder that times like these are when we most need socialized healthcare.
Forwarded from Syndiegram (FiberSinthe 🏳️🌈🌹✊)
Regardless of how well Bernie does, we need to start thinking about long term organization.
For leftism to work in this country, as it has been seen in every industrialized nation, the Left needs to organize labor, and cultivate labor militancy.
To that end, I would obviously endorse the IWW as the union most equipped to put the power back in the hands of workers. That said, the IWW is not built for building power within any existing systems; rather the beauty of their model is it can exist with or without a Democratic, or even capitalist society. The IWW is the organization that can build labor militancy, the thing that most powerfully fuels left wing agendas of any stripe.
With this in mind, the second organization I would endorse would be the DSA. Make no mistake: one IWW is worth ten, maybe a hundred DSAers. But we have to come to grips with the fact that they are the largest democratic socialist organization since the late communist party, and that the DSA is the most left wing descendent of the original Socialist Party USA that Debs founded. I can at least attest to the fact that all leftist tendencies are represented within the organization, from Libertarian Socialists to Marxist-Leninists. With this in mind, I would strongly support the DSA as the “party” that is most able to unite the left in our political-electoral endeavors. It is a forum that allows our beliefs to reach the wider public.
The only option, in my mind, that puts the labor movement in this country back in power, is the dual power strategy. We have to build wins in the shop floor, and we have to build wins in the electoral sphere.
And, necessarily, a win in either should improve the power of the other. We can’t hope to win elections without unions that are militant and anti-capitalist, and conversely we only stand to gain union power with a pro-union president and pro-union political candidates. For the Marxist-Leninists in the audience, you might describe this strategy as a “popular front”, with syndicalist characteristics.
The name itself is irrelevant. The point is that we do not have the luxury of organizing into just political parties, and subscribing to a policy of anti-electoralism exposes us to unnecessary political weakness when we know we have the capacity to fight in elections and win.
We have to organize, not mobilize workers, and then we have to use that organization to win every fight we possibly can.
For leftism to work in this country, as it has been seen in every industrialized nation, the Left needs to organize labor, and cultivate labor militancy.
To that end, I would obviously endorse the IWW as the union most equipped to put the power back in the hands of workers. That said, the IWW is not built for building power within any existing systems; rather the beauty of their model is it can exist with or without a Democratic, or even capitalist society. The IWW is the organization that can build labor militancy, the thing that most powerfully fuels left wing agendas of any stripe.
With this in mind, the second organization I would endorse would be the DSA. Make no mistake: one IWW is worth ten, maybe a hundred DSAers. But we have to come to grips with the fact that they are the largest democratic socialist organization since the late communist party, and that the DSA is the most left wing descendent of the original Socialist Party USA that Debs founded. I can at least attest to the fact that all leftist tendencies are represented within the organization, from Libertarian Socialists to Marxist-Leninists. With this in mind, I would strongly support the DSA as the “party” that is most able to unite the left in our political-electoral endeavors. It is a forum that allows our beliefs to reach the wider public.
The only option, in my mind, that puts the labor movement in this country back in power, is the dual power strategy. We have to build wins in the shop floor, and we have to build wins in the electoral sphere.
And, necessarily, a win in either should improve the power of the other. We can’t hope to win elections without unions that are militant and anti-capitalist, and conversely we only stand to gain union power with a pro-union president and pro-union political candidates. For the Marxist-Leninists in the audience, you might describe this strategy as a “popular front”, with syndicalist characteristics.
The name itself is irrelevant. The point is that we do not have the luxury of organizing into just political parties, and subscribing to a policy of anti-electoralism exposes us to unnecessary political weakness when we know we have the capacity to fight in elections and win.
We have to organize, not mobilize workers, and then we have to use that organization to win every fight we possibly can.
Relationship with electoralism cancelled. Community organization is my new best friend.
This interview gave a lot of insight and perspective into where America stands, why we ended up this way, and how to get out of it. I can't recommend it enough.