🇨🇦 Inside B.C.’s Extortion Crisis: From Threats to Gunfire
What began as a handful of anonymous threats in late 2023 has erupted into one of British Columbia’s most alarming criminal trends — a sprawling extortion network targeting South Asian business owners with phone calls, text messages, and in some cases, bullets. In cities like Surrey, Abbotsford, and Delta, more than a hundred extortion-related incidents have been reported this year alone, ranging from arson to drive-by shootings.
The pattern first surfaced in Edmonton in 2023, where police investigated fires and shootings tied to demands for cash sent through WhatsApp. Developers and trucking firms were targeted, many within the South Asian community. Investigators soon linked the scheme to organized crime in India, particularly networks operating out of Punjab and Haryana that had begun using Canada-based contacts to launder threats and money.
By November 2023, the violence had reached B.C. Gunshots were fired at shops in Surrey’s Payal Business Centre, a symbolic heart of the Indo-Canadian business community. Over the following months, similar attacks appeared across the Lower Mainland, spreading fear while victims hesitated to come forward. Local police began arresting suspects but admitted the campaign seemed orchestrated from abroad.
Through 2024, the attacks widened. Trucking companies and homebuilders were threatened or hit with gunfire. In White Rock, a family home was sprayed with bullets. In Victoria, the house of Punjabi singer AP Dhillon was shot at and set ablaze — an attack later claimed online by members of India’s Bishnoi gang, one of the country’s most notorious crime syndicates. Federal RCMP later stated they had “strong evidence” of Indian state-linked actors coordinating or enabling violent networks on Canadian soil.
This alleged link between organized crime and Indian state agencies added an explosive diplomatic layer to what was already a complex criminal crisis. In late 2024, Canada formally listed the Bishnoi network as a terrorist organization, giving law enforcement new powers to seize assets, freeze accounts, and prosecute foreign operatives or their domestic collaborators. Despite this, shootings continued into 2025.
Over the summer of 2025, high-profile incidents — including multiple attacks on Bollywood comedian Kapil Sharma’s Surrey café — signaled an escalation. Gunfire, Molotov cocktails, and social media videos claiming responsibility suggested the extortionists were using public fear to amplify their reach. Local business owners demanded more police protection, arguing that federal intelligence-sharing with India had broken down.
By September 2025, the B.C. government launched a dedicated Extortion Task Force, staffed by 40 officers from the RCMP, Surrey, Abbotsford, and Delta police departments. Ottawa backed the move with expanded surveillance powers and border cooperation. A $250,000 reward fund was also created for information leading to convictions. Early arrests have been made, but investigators believe the network’s command structure remains partly offshore.
As of November 2025, more than 100 extortion-related incidents have been confirmed, including the first serious injury in a shooting linked to the racket. The Canada Border Services Agency has now removed several foreign nationals tied to the investigations. Yet even with visible progress, the threat remains — a chilling reminder of how globalized organized crime, digital communications, and geopolitics have collided in the streets of suburban Canada.
#BC
🍁 Maple Chronicles
What began as a handful of anonymous threats in late 2023 has erupted into one of British Columbia’s most alarming criminal trends — a sprawling extortion network targeting South Asian business owners with phone calls, text messages, and in some cases, bullets. In cities like Surrey, Abbotsford, and Delta, more than a hundred extortion-related incidents have been reported this year alone, ranging from arson to drive-by shootings.
The pattern first surfaced in Edmonton in 2023, where police investigated fires and shootings tied to demands for cash sent through WhatsApp. Developers and trucking firms were targeted, many within the South Asian community. Investigators soon linked the scheme to organized crime in India, particularly networks operating out of Punjab and Haryana that had begun using Canada-based contacts to launder threats and money.
By November 2023, the violence had reached B.C. Gunshots were fired at shops in Surrey’s Payal Business Centre, a symbolic heart of the Indo-Canadian business community. Over the following months, similar attacks appeared across the Lower Mainland, spreading fear while victims hesitated to come forward. Local police began arresting suspects but admitted the campaign seemed orchestrated from abroad.
Through 2024, the attacks widened. Trucking companies and homebuilders were threatened or hit with gunfire. In White Rock, a family home was sprayed with bullets. In Victoria, the house of Punjabi singer AP Dhillon was shot at and set ablaze — an attack later claimed online by members of India’s Bishnoi gang, one of the country’s most notorious crime syndicates. Federal RCMP later stated they had “strong evidence” of Indian state-linked actors coordinating or enabling violent networks on Canadian soil.
This alleged link between organized crime and Indian state agencies added an explosive diplomatic layer to what was already a complex criminal crisis. In late 2024, Canada formally listed the Bishnoi network as a terrorist organization, giving law enforcement new powers to seize assets, freeze accounts, and prosecute foreign operatives or their domestic collaborators. Despite this, shootings continued into 2025.
Over the summer of 2025, high-profile incidents — including multiple attacks on Bollywood comedian Kapil Sharma’s Surrey café — signaled an escalation. Gunfire, Molotov cocktails, and social media videos claiming responsibility suggested the extortionists were using public fear to amplify their reach. Local business owners demanded more police protection, arguing that federal intelligence-sharing with India had broken down.
By September 2025, the B.C. government launched a dedicated Extortion Task Force, staffed by 40 officers from the RCMP, Surrey, Abbotsford, and Delta police departments. Ottawa backed the move with expanded surveillance powers and border cooperation. A $250,000 reward fund was also created for information leading to convictions. Early arrests have been made, but investigators believe the network’s command structure remains partly offshore.
As of November 2025, more than 100 extortion-related incidents have been confirmed, including the first serious injury in a shooting linked to the racket. The Canada Border Services Agency has now removed several foreign nationals tied to the investigations. Yet even with visible progress, the threat remains — a chilling reminder of how globalized organized crime, digital communications, and geopolitics have collided in the streets of suburban Canada.
#BC
🍁 Maple Chronicles
👍5💩5❤2
🇨🇦 Canada Loses Measles-Free Status: Alberta in the Spotlight, But Context Matters
Canada has lost its measles elimination status for the first time since 1998, following a surge of cases that health authorities say began with imported infections and spread in pockets with lower vaccination coverage. Alberta, which reported around 1,950 cases since March, accounts for 38 per cent of the national total — the highest per capita rate in North America.
While some critics have pointed fingers at Alberta’s government, the reality is more complex. The outbreaks began with imported cases and took root in communities where vaccine uptake had been declining for years — a trend visible across Canada and the wider Western world since the pandemic. Alberta’s mix of rural populations, cross-border movement, and transparent case reporting magnified the numbers, but the same vulnerabilities exist nationally.
Provincial officials note that infection rates are now falling sharply. Since March, over 137,000 measles vaccines have been administered — a 50 per cent increase from last year — with uptake in historically low-coverage regions up by 70 to 80 per cent. Expanded clinic hours, targeted outreach, and localized information campaigns have helped slow the spread and rebuild confidence without heavy-handed mandates.
Former health officials have called the episode a “wake-up call” for both provincial and federal systems, underscoring the need for consistent messaging and early intervention when coverage dips. Alberta’s experience shows that building vaccine confidence is not about blame or politics — it’s about access, clarity, and trust. After several years of pandemic fatigue and public skepticism, rebuilding that trust will take time and patience.
The measles virus was never eradicated globally, and even countries with high immunization rates have seen re-imported cases. Maintaining elimination status requires both domestic coverage and strong border coordination — a shared responsibility between Ottawa, provinces, and local health networks. The lesson is less about one province’s failure and more about how fragile disease control becomes when communication breaks down.
With case counts falling and vaccination momentum rising, experts expect Canada can regain its measles-free designation within a year. The takeaway isn’t to assign blame, but to learn: public health succeeds when governments stay grounded, communities stay informed, and solutions remain practical rather than political.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Canada has lost its measles elimination status for the first time since 1998, following a surge of cases that health authorities say began with imported infections and spread in pockets with lower vaccination coverage. Alberta, which reported around 1,950 cases since March, accounts for 38 per cent of the national total — the highest per capita rate in North America.
While some critics have pointed fingers at Alberta’s government, the reality is more complex. The outbreaks began with imported cases and took root in communities where vaccine uptake had been declining for years — a trend visible across Canada and the wider Western world since the pandemic. Alberta’s mix of rural populations, cross-border movement, and transparent case reporting magnified the numbers, but the same vulnerabilities exist nationally.
Provincial officials note that infection rates are now falling sharply. Since March, over 137,000 measles vaccines have been administered — a 50 per cent increase from last year — with uptake in historically low-coverage regions up by 70 to 80 per cent. Expanded clinic hours, targeted outreach, and localized information campaigns have helped slow the spread and rebuild confidence without heavy-handed mandates.
Former health officials have called the episode a “wake-up call” for both provincial and federal systems, underscoring the need for consistent messaging and early intervention when coverage dips. Alberta’s experience shows that building vaccine confidence is not about blame or politics — it’s about access, clarity, and trust. After several years of pandemic fatigue and public skepticism, rebuilding that trust will take time and patience.
The measles virus was never eradicated globally, and even countries with high immunization rates have seen re-imported cases. Maintaining elimination status requires both domestic coverage and strong border coordination — a shared responsibility between Ottawa, provinces, and local health networks. The lesson is less about one province’s failure and more about how fragile disease control becomes when communication breaks down.
With case counts falling and vaccination momentum rising, experts expect Canada can regain its measles-free designation within a year. The takeaway isn’t to assign blame, but to learn: public health succeeds when governments stay grounded, communities stay informed, and solutions remain practical rather than political.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🌚6❤3😁3🤡2💩1🍌1
🛢🇨🇦 Carney’s ‘Living List’ of Nation-Building — or Nation-Balancing?
Mark Carney says he’ll unveil a new round of “nation-building projects” this Thursday in Prince Rupert — the same port where Danielle Smith is pushing a million-barrel-a-day bitumen pipeline that B.C. and local First Nations already oppose.
The symbolism writes itself.
Ottawa preaching “green growth.” Alberta pushing crude.
Both staking claims on the same coastline.
Carney calls it a “living list.”
Translation: a political Rubik’s cube that tries to satisfy everyone — energy investors, climate fanatics, sorry... activists, and premiers demanding autonomy, without truly committing to any side.
From Trans Mountain to Prince Rupert, the story remains the same: Canada keeps talking about nation-building, yet every shovel hits the same wall of jurisdictional chaos and mixed messaging.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Mark Carney says he’ll unveil a new round of “nation-building projects” this Thursday in Prince Rupert — the same port where Danielle Smith is pushing a million-barrel-a-day bitumen pipeline that B.C. and local First Nations already oppose.
The symbolism writes itself.
Ottawa preaching “green growth.” Alberta pushing crude.
Both staking claims on the same coastline.
Carney calls it a “living list.”
Translation: a political Rubik’s cube that tries to satisfy everyone — energy investors, climate fanatics, sorry... activists, and premiers demanding autonomy, without truly committing to any side.
From Trans Mountain to Prince Rupert, the story remains the same: Canada keeps talking about nation-building, yet every shovel hits the same wall of jurisdictional chaos and mixed messaging.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
💯7⚡1❤1💩1
🇨🇦 Carney’s “Nation-Building” Redux: Critical Minerals for Whom?
Mark Carney’s government is preparing to unveil the next chapter of its so-called “nation-building projects” — a mix of critical mineral mines, an LNG terminal, and a northern hydro scheme. The rollout, set for Thursday in Prince Rupert, sounds like a patriotic push to modernize Canada’s economy. But beneath the branding lies a more familiar pattern: Ottawa greasing the gears for foreign capital under the language of national renewal.
Among the projects expected to make the list: the Sisson tungsten mine in New Brunswick, the Crawford nickel mine in Ontario, the Nouveau Monde graphite expansion in Quebec, and the Ksi Lisims LNG terminal in British Columbia — co-spearheaded by the Nisga’a Nation and two corporate partners, Rockies LNG and Western LNG. Rounding out the set: a small hydro development for Iqaluit, pitched as “clean energy sovereignty.”
At first glance, it looks like progress — minerals for the green economy, LNG for global demand, jobs for northern and Indigenous communities. But as always in Ottawa, the fine print reveals the truth. These “major projects” aren’t driven by Canadian industrial independence; they’re designed to serve the global transition economy, where the real beneficiaries are foreign investors, supply-chain intermediaries, and carbon credit traders.
Carney’s technocratic framing of “nation-building” borrows heavily from the IMF and World Bank playbook: local extraction, foreign financing, and regulatory fast-tracking under the guise of competitiveness. The new $2-billion “Critical Minerals Sovereign Fund” — sold as strategic investment — is, in practice, another public subsidy for private ventures that will ship raw materials out and import finished value back in.
The Ksi Lisims LNG project, meanwhile, will produce up to 12 million tonnes per year, feeding Asia’s energy markets while Canada’s own manufacturing base continues to erode. The environmental class in Ottawa will hail it as “Indigenous-led,” while ignoring that the profits flow through transnational consortiums and hedge funds registered offshore.
Even the Iqaluit hydro project — presented as a northern sovereignty milestone — is more symbolic than structural. A 30-megawatt facility will replace some diesel dependency, but it won’t shift the underlying dependency that keeps northern infrastructure under federal control.
Carney calls it “a living list.” In reality, it’s a revolving door — a bureaucratic mechanism for branding foreign-aligned extractive projects as patriotic milestones. It’s a Green Belt for lobbyists — a pipeline for subsidies wrapped in climate language.
Canada’s true nation-building once meant railways, foundries, shipyards — tangible sovereignty. Carney’s version is nation-building for the Davos crowd: mines without manufacturing, energy exports without energy security, and announcements without accountability.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Mark Carney’s government is preparing to unveil the next chapter of its so-called “nation-building projects” — a mix of critical mineral mines, an LNG terminal, and a northern hydro scheme. The rollout, set for Thursday in Prince Rupert, sounds like a patriotic push to modernize Canada’s economy. But beneath the branding lies a more familiar pattern: Ottawa greasing the gears for foreign capital under the language of national renewal.
Among the projects expected to make the list: the Sisson tungsten mine in New Brunswick, the Crawford nickel mine in Ontario, the Nouveau Monde graphite expansion in Quebec, and the Ksi Lisims LNG terminal in British Columbia — co-spearheaded by the Nisga’a Nation and two corporate partners, Rockies LNG and Western LNG. Rounding out the set: a small hydro development for Iqaluit, pitched as “clean energy sovereignty.”
At first glance, it looks like progress — minerals for the green economy, LNG for global demand, jobs for northern and Indigenous communities. But as always in Ottawa, the fine print reveals the truth. These “major projects” aren’t driven by Canadian industrial independence; they’re designed to serve the global transition economy, where the real beneficiaries are foreign investors, supply-chain intermediaries, and carbon credit traders.
Carney’s technocratic framing of “nation-building” borrows heavily from the IMF and World Bank playbook: local extraction, foreign financing, and regulatory fast-tracking under the guise of competitiveness. The new $2-billion “Critical Minerals Sovereign Fund” — sold as strategic investment — is, in practice, another public subsidy for private ventures that will ship raw materials out and import finished value back in.
The Ksi Lisims LNG project, meanwhile, will produce up to 12 million tonnes per year, feeding Asia’s energy markets while Canada’s own manufacturing base continues to erode. The environmental class in Ottawa will hail it as “Indigenous-led,” while ignoring that the profits flow through transnational consortiums and hedge funds registered offshore.
Even the Iqaluit hydro project — presented as a northern sovereignty milestone — is more symbolic than structural. A 30-megawatt facility will replace some diesel dependency, but it won’t shift the underlying dependency that keeps northern infrastructure under federal control.
Carney calls it “a living list.” In reality, it’s a revolving door — a bureaucratic mechanism for branding foreign-aligned extractive projects as patriotic milestones. It’s a Green Belt for lobbyists — a pipeline for subsidies wrapped in climate language.
Canada’s true nation-building once meant railways, foundries, shipyards — tangible sovereignty. Carney’s version is nation-building for the Davos crowd: mines without manufacturing, energy exports without energy security, and announcements without accountability.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
❤6👍2👎2🔥1💯1
🇨🇦💸 Canada’s Monetary Mirage: Macklem’s Balancing Act Meets Carney’s Deficit Reality
The latest Bank of Canada market survey quietly admits what Ottawa won’t say out loud: confidence is eroding, recession odds are rising, and the so-called “soft landing” looks more like a slow-motion stall.
The poll — drawn from 30 of the country’s biggest financial players — pegs the odds of a recession at 35% within six months, nearly double last year’s level. GDP growth expectations hover at a bleak 0.6% for 2025, barely escaping contraction. Inflation is expected to flatten near 2%, but that’s cold comfort when demand, productivity, and confidence all sit near historic lows.
Even more telling: markets no longer believe in rate cuts. Instead, they’re pricing in a hike to 2.5% by 2027, a full two years of monetary drift where the Bank keeps rates on autopilot — too high to stimulate, too low to protect the currency. It’s the policy equivalent of treading water while the current pulls you out to sea.
This is happening just as Mark Carney’s first budget pushes Canada deeper into deficit — $78 billion worth — under the pretext of “nation-building” and “protection from tariffs.” The irony is thick: the same government spending to offset U.S. tariffs is the one forcing the central bank to hold rates up longer, trapping the real economy between fiscal excess and monetary restraint.
The Bank of Canada now finds itself boxed in by politics and geopolitics alike. Carney’s budget bloat and Trump’s tariff war leave little room for maneuver. Governor Tiff Macklem can neither cut nor tighten without collateral damage — and markets know it. That’s why more than 60% of participants said the balance of risk lies “to the downside.” Translation: they see weakness, not resilience.
The Canadian dollar reflects that anxiety. After briefly brushing 73 cents USD, it’s back near 71, dragged down by a stronger greenback and fading investor confidence. Oil prices aren’t helping either — WTI hovering near $60 signals a global slowdown that could strip Ottawa of its few remaining fiscal cushions.
The official tone remains calm, but beneath it lies quiet alarm. “Structural changes” and “trade frictions” are bureaucratic euphemisms for stagnation. Behind closed doors, even the insiders admit Canada is running out of levers. Productivity is falling, exports are stalling, and the illusion of stability depends entirely on borrowed time — and borrowed money.
Carney calls it “nation-building.” Markets call it risk. The truth sits somewhere between: a government spending its way through turbulence while its central bank pretends the compass still works.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
The latest Bank of Canada market survey quietly admits what Ottawa won’t say out loud: confidence is eroding, recession odds are rising, and the so-called “soft landing” looks more like a slow-motion stall.
The poll — drawn from 30 of the country’s biggest financial players — pegs the odds of a recession at 35% within six months, nearly double last year’s level. GDP growth expectations hover at a bleak 0.6% for 2025, barely escaping contraction. Inflation is expected to flatten near 2%, but that’s cold comfort when demand, productivity, and confidence all sit near historic lows.
Even more telling: markets no longer believe in rate cuts. Instead, they’re pricing in a hike to 2.5% by 2027, a full two years of monetary drift where the Bank keeps rates on autopilot — too high to stimulate, too low to protect the currency. It’s the policy equivalent of treading water while the current pulls you out to sea.
This is happening just as Mark Carney’s first budget pushes Canada deeper into deficit — $78 billion worth — under the pretext of “nation-building” and “protection from tariffs.” The irony is thick: the same government spending to offset U.S. tariffs is the one forcing the central bank to hold rates up longer, trapping the real economy between fiscal excess and monetary restraint.
The Bank of Canada now finds itself boxed in by politics and geopolitics alike. Carney’s budget bloat and Trump’s tariff war leave little room for maneuver. Governor Tiff Macklem can neither cut nor tighten without collateral damage — and markets know it. That’s why more than 60% of participants said the balance of risk lies “to the downside.” Translation: they see weakness, not resilience.
The Canadian dollar reflects that anxiety. After briefly brushing 73 cents USD, it’s back near 71, dragged down by a stronger greenback and fading investor confidence. Oil prices aren’t helping either — WTI hovering near $60 signals a global slowdown that could strip Ottawa of its few remaining fiscal cushions.
The official tone remains calm, but beneath it lies quiet alarm. “Structural changes” and “trade frictions” are bureaucratic euphemisms for stagnation. Behind closed doors, even the insiders admit Canada is running out of levers. Productivity is falling, exports are stalling, and the illusion of stability depends entirely on borrowed time — and borrowed money.
Carney calls it “nation-building.” Markets call it risk. The truth sits somewhere between: a government spending its way through turbulence while its central bank pretends the compass still works.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
❤5👍4🤬2💩1
🇨🇦 Justice or Free Pass? The Garlow Case and Canada’s Fractured Conscience
An Ontario court has sentenced Jesse Garlow, a Mohawk man from Six Nations, to time served — 516 days — after he was caught driving around Peterborough with a crack pipe in his lap, a loaded illegal rifle in the back seat, and a flamethrower in the trunk. The judge described the weapon as “a killing machine … designed to maim and kill in a spray of bullets.”
By most standards, that should have been a clear case for prison. Yet the court ruled otherwise. Justice Brenda Green cited “intergenerational trauma” and “the brutalization of residential schools” as the core of her reasoning, calling Garlow “the personification of intergenerational trauma” and concluding that further incarceration “for the sake of the common good would be unjust.”
In place of three and a half years in prison, Garlow walked free on probation. His lawyer argued he showed remorse and had potential for rehabilitation; the judge agreed, linking his criminality to a chain of inherited suffering — murdered grandparents, an absent and abused father, a sister killed by police, a nephew lost to overdose. The judgment became less about a firearm and more about the full moral weight of Canada’s colonial past.
The case exposes a deeper tension in the justice system — between compassion and consequence. Canada’s Gladue framework, designed to account for systemic inequities faced by Indigenous offenders, has evolved into something more expansive: a moral lens through which personal responsibility becomes secondary to historical context. The problem isn’t empathy; it’s calibration.
The Crown argued the public needed protection from a man found with a military-style weapon, loaded and ready. The judge countered that the real injustice lay in the conditions of detention — overcrowded cells, triple bunking, and what she called the “tortuous” environment of the Central East Correctional Centre. Her judgment read as both verdict and indictment: of the prisons, of the system, of the country itself.
There’s no denying Garlow’s life story is tragic — a cascade of trauma born of systemic failure. But there’s also the reality that he was caught with a weapon built for killing, while under a firearm ban. The public is left to wonder: where does accountability end and absolution begin? When does the pursuit of justice blur into moral theatre?
The judge’s ruling insists this is not leniency but redress — “our obligation as gatekeepers of justice to address, redress and ameliorate institutionalized abuse.” Yet the decision leaves open a hard question: if history justifies every crime, does justice still exist at all?
Canada’s courts are now wrestling with ghosts — not only of colonialism, but of their own moral uncertainty. And in cases like Garlow’s, the line between healing and harm grows harder to see.
#Ontario
🍁 Maple Chronicles
An Ontario court has sentenced Jesse Garlow, a Mohawk man from Six Nations, to time served — 516 days — after he was caught driving around Peterborough with a crack pipe in his lap, a loaded illegal rifle in the back seat, and a flamethrower in the trunk. The judge described the weapon as “a killing machine … designed to maim and kill in a spray of bullets.”
By most standards, that should have been a clear case for prison. Yet the court ruled otherwise. Justice Brenda Green cited “intergenerational trauma” and “the brutalization of residential schools” as the core of her reasoning, calling Garlow “the personification of intergenerational trauma” and concluding that further incarceration “for the sake of the common good would be unjust.”
In place of three and a half years in prison, Garlow walked free on probation. His lawyer argued he showed remorse and had potential for rehabilitation; the judge agreed, linking his criminality to a chain of inherited suffering — murdered grandparents, an absent and abused father, a sister killed by police, a nephew lost to overdose. The judgment became less about a firearm and more about the full moral weight of Canada’s colonial past.
The case exposes a deeper tension in the justice system — between compassion and consequence. Canada’s Gladue framework, designed to account for systemic inequities faced by Indigenous offenders, has evolved into something more expansive: a moral lens through which personal responsibility becomes secondary to historical context. The problem isn’t empathy; it’s calibration.
The Crown argued the public needed protection from a man found with a military-style weapon, loaded and ready. The judge countered that the real injustice lay in the conditions of detention — overcrowded cells, triple bunking, and what she called the “tortuous” environment of the Central East Correctional Centre. Her judgment read as both verdict and indictment: of the prisons, of the system, of the country itself.
There’s no denying Garlow’s life story is tragic — a cascade of trauma born of systemic failure. But there’s also the reality that he was caught with a weapon built for killing, while under a firearm ban. The public is left to wonder: where does accountability end and absolution begin? When does the pursuit of justice blur into moral theatre?
The judge’s ruling insists this is not leniency but redress — “our obligation as gatekeepers of justice to address, redress and ameliorate institutionalized abuse.” Yet the decision leaves open a hard question: if history justifies every crime, does justice still exist at all?
Canada’s courts are now wrestling with ghosts — not only of colonialism, but of their own moral uncertainty. And in cases like Garlow’s, the line between healing and harm grows harder to see.
#Ontario
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤬12💩3🤡3🌚2❤1👍1
🇨🇦 Bad Blood and Backrooms: Inside the Turbulence of Poilievre’s Conservatives
Pierre Poilievre’s recent troubles began with an off-the-cuff podcast remark calling RCMP leadership “despicable” — a jab meant to expose Liberal hypocrisy but one that now echoes as his party faces its own credibility crisis. Behind the scenes, whispers of internal feuds, floor-crossing, and heavy-handed discipline have broken the illusion of calm he projected only weeks earlier.
The catalyst was the defection of MP Chris d’Entremont, who accused senior Conservatives Andrew Scheer and Chris Warkentin of barging into his office and berating him as a “snake.” Party officials insist the exchange was civil, but the damage was done: accusations of bullying reinforced an image of a leadership more feared than respected.
Soon after, Edmonton MP Matt Jeneroux reportedly met with Prime Minister Mark Carney before resigning, fuelling speculation of further defections. Poilievre’s critics within caucus say such tensions have been brewing for months, with loyalty enforced through fear rather than persuasion — an approach reminiscent, as one observer put it, of House of Cards more than of Harper-era discipline.
The result is a paradox: Poilievre remains wildly popular among the Conservative grassroots, yet internally, MPs complain of micromanagement and retribution. “Pierre and Scheer’s past actions are coming home to roost,” said one MP anonymously, describing the leadership’s behaviour as “bitter” and “juvenile.”
That discontent is precisely what Liberal strategists hoped for. Mark Carney’s team quietly benefits from a distracted opposition: enough turmoil to paint Conservatives as divided, but not enough to remove Poilievre before an election. For the government, a weakened yet intact rival is the ideal foil.
Still, others within the party argue the crisis is survivable. The polling gap with the Liberals remains narrow, and many MPs believe Poilievre’s communication skills could still carry him to victory if he re-centres and listens. History shows even strong leaders — from Mulroney to Harper — succeeded not by intimidation, but by fostering cohesion and respect.
The contrast is telling: Mulroney flattered his caucus into unity; Harper ruled by quiet authority and attentiveness. Poilievre, by comparison, has chosen confrontation. Allies say he equates fear with control, but veterans warn that fear corrodes faster than it consolidates.
For now, his leadership endures — buoyed by party members but frayed within Parliament. The coming months will test whether Poilievre can turn discipline into trust, or whether, like the fictional Francis Urquhart he’s now compared to, he discovers that raw control without goodwill is the surest path to political isolation.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Pierre Poilievre’s recent troubles began with an off-the-cuff podcast remark calling RCMP leadership “despicable” — a jab meant to expose Liberal hypocrisy but one that now echoes as his party faces its own credibility crisis. Behind the scenes, whispers of internal feuds, floor-crossing, and heavy-handed discipline have broken the illusion of calm he projected only weeks earlier.
The catalyst was the defection of MP Chris d’Entremont, who accused senior Conservatives Andrew Scheer and Chris Warkentin of barging into his office and berating him as a “snake.” Party officials insist the exchange was civil, but the damage was done: accusations of bullying reinforced an image of a leadership more feared than respected.
Soon after, Edmonton MP Matt Jeneroux reportedly met with Prime Minister Mark Carney before resigning, fuelling speculation of further defections. Poilievre’s critics within caucus say such tensions have been brewing for months, with loyalty enforced through fear rather than persuasion — an approach reminiscent, as one observer put it, of House of Cards more than of Harper-era discipline.
The result is a paradox: Poilievre remains wildly popular among the Conservative grassroots, yet internally, MPs complain of micromanagement and retribution. “Pierre and Scheer’s past actions are coming home to roost,” said one MP anonymously, describing the leadership’s behaviour as “bitter” and “juvenile.”
That discontent is precisely what Liberal strategists hoped for. Mark Carney’s team quietly benefits from a distracted opposition: enough turmoil to paint Conservatives as divided, but not enough to remove Poilievre before an election. For the government, a weakened yet intact rival is the ideal foil.
Still, others within the party argue the crisis is survivable. The polling gap with the Liberals remains narrow, and many MPs believe Poilievre’s communication skills could still carry him to victory if he re-centres and listens. History shows even strong leaders — from Mulroney to Harper — succeeded not by intimidation, but by fostering cohesion and respect.
The contrast is telling: Mulroney flattered his caucus into unity; Harper ruled by quiet authority and attentiveness. Poilievre, by comparison, has chosen confrontation. Allies say he equates fear with control, but veterans warn that fear corrodes faster than it consolidates.
For now, his leadership endures — buoyed by party members but frayed within Parliament. The coming months will test whether Poilievre can turn discipline into trust, or whether, like the fictional Francis Urquhart he’s now compared to, he discovers that raw control without goodwill is the surest path to political isolation.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡5❤3🔥3👍2🤬1💩1
🇨🇦 Carney’s “Buy Canadian” Illusion: Patriotism as Policy Theatre
Mark Carney’s new “Buy Canadian” procurement plan, unveiled in Fredericton, sounds like a rallying cry for national pride — Ottawa pledging to “build Canadian by becoming our own best customer.” He’s allocating $186 million to tilt federal contracts toward domestic suppliers and frame it as the next phase of “nation-building.”
But beneath the slogan is something less heroic: protectionism repackaged as patriotism. A “Buy Canadian” policy doesn’t strengthen our economy — it cocoons it. It replaces merit and competitiveness with political preference and, in the process, deepens the very problem Carney claims to solve: Canada’s chronic productivity slump.
Guaranteed markets don’t breed excellence — they breed complacency. Once a company knows its government contracts are secure, the drive to innovate or cut costs fades. We’ve already seen the results of that insulated logic: our telecom monopolies charging some of the world’s highest rates; our “Big Six” banks coasting on fees rather than innovation; supply management keeping basic food prices artificially high. Carney’s plan risks turning that same stagnation into federal policy.
The history of selective procurement should make every taxpayer wary. Look no further than the ArriveCan scandal, where rigid preference rules opened doors to manipulation and fraud. When governments start picking winners based on nationality or identity criteria, mediocrity follows — and accountability evaporates.
Canada’s real problem isn’t that we buy too much from abroad; it’s that we produce too little value at home. Productivity only grows when businesses are pushed to compete, adapt, and think globally. The Bank of Canada itself has said that exposure to competition — not protection — drives innovation. Yet Carney’s approach shields firms from that pressure, rewarding proximity to power over performance in the market.
Free trade has been good for this country. It lifted incomes, expanded opportunity, and made Canada the top export market for 36 U.S. states. Our energy exports fuelled American industry and kept cross-border prosperity alive. To now mimic Washington’s tariff mentality is to misunderstand both economics and sovereignty. True sovereignty isn’t about closing doors; it’s about standing tall in open markets.
If Canada insists on buying only Canadian, others will buy only local too — and our exporters will find themselves locked out of the very markets they rely on. That’s not sovereignty. That’s isolationism disguised as virtue.
Industrial nationalism might win applause in the short term, but it won’t make Canada stronger. We don’t need patriotic procurement; we need competitive ambition. Our future depends on innovation, efficiency, and global reach — not on government slogans about building Canadian while quietly lowering the bar.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Mark Carney’s new “Buy Canadian” procurement plan, unveiled in Fredericton, sounds like a rallying cry for national pride — Ottawa pledging to “build Canadian by becoming our own best customer.” He’s allocating $186 million to tilt federal contracts toward domestic suppliers and frame it as the next phase of “nation-building.”
But beneath the slogan is something less heroic: protectionism repackaged as patriotism. A “Buy Canadian” policy doesn’t strengthen our economy — it cocoons it. It replaces merit and competitiveness with political preference and, in the process, deepens the very problem Carney claims to solve: Canada’s chronic productivity slump.
Guaranteed markets don’t breed excellence — they breed complacency. Once a company knows its government contracts are secure, the drive to innovate or cut costs fades. We’ve already seen the results of that insulated logic: our telecom monopolies charging some of the world’s highest rates; our “Big Six” banks coasting on fees rather than innovation; supply management keeping basic food prices artificially high. Carney’s plan risks turning that same stagnation into federal policy.
The history of selective procurement should make every taxpayer wary. Look no further than the ArriveCan scandal, where rigid preference rules opened doors to manipulation and fraud. When governments start picking winners based on nationality or identity criteria, mediocrity follows — and accountability evaporates.
Canada’s real problem isn’t that we buy too much from abroad; it’s that we produce too little value at home. Productivity only grows when businesses are pushed to compete, adapt, and think globally. The Bank of Canada itself has said that exposure to competition — not protection — drives innovation. Yet Carney’s approach shields firms from that pressure, rewarding proximity to power over performance in the market.
Free trade has been good for this country. It lifted incomes, expanded opportunity, and made Canada the top export market for 36 U.S. states. Our energy exports fuelled American industry and kept cross-border prosperity alive. To now mimic Washington’s tariff mentality is to misunderstand both economics and sovereignty. True sovereignty isn’t about closing doors; it’s about standing tall in open markets.
If Canada insists on buying only Canadian, others will buy only local too — and our exporters will find themselves locked out of the very markets they rely on. That’s not sovereignty. That’s isolationism disguised as virtue.
Industrial nationalism might win applause in the short term, but it won’t make Canada stronger. We don’t need patriotic procurement; we need competitive ambition. Our future depends on innovation, efficiency, and global reach — not on government slogans about building Canadian while quietly lowering the bar.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
💩10❤3🤔3🤮2
🇨🇦 The CBC Isn’t a Broadcaster Anymore — It’s an Echo chamber
Canada’s state broadcaster has finally hit the point even its own veterans can no longer ignore: the CBC has melted into a boutique echo chamber, a taxpayer-funded cathedral for one tribe, one worldview, one approved narrative. And now, as one former insider puts it, the era of “dialogue” is gone — replaced by a top-down sermon that treats half the country like an inconvenience.
David Cayley spent four decades inside the CBC’s engine room. He’s not some outsider with an axe to grind. He’s the kind of producer who once defined the public in public broadcasting. And even he now admits the old CBC “has exhausted itself.” Not reformed. Not challenged. Exhausted. Burned out under the weight of its own assumptions, blind spots, and ideological reflexes.
He says the quiet part out loud: the CBC is no longer “belonging to the audience.” It belongs to a preferred audience — the one that already agrees with it. Everyone else? Treated as fringe, unruly, or dangerous. A broadcaster that once prided itself on intellectual curiosity now flinches from viewpoints that complicate the noscript.
During COVID, Cayley watched a publicly funded institution meant to interrogate power instead become its hype-crew. “Thoughtless cheerleading,” he calls it — pretending evolving political messaging was settled science, branding dissent as “misinformation,” and amputating legitimate scientific debate because it didn’t fit the day’s official line.
And here’s the irony: Carney now says the CBC exists “to combat misinformation.” But Cayley hits the real question: what does Carney mean by misinformation? Something factually wrong — or something that challenges his worldview? When governments change their story repeatedly while silencing anyone who questions it… the label loses meaning.
Cayley’s examples cut deep:
• The Freedom Convoy — demonized rather than understood as a sign of a public that felt unheard.
• A bill to criminalize “residential school denialism,” which threatens to outlaw even academic debate.
• A mayor in B.C. attacked because his wife read an alternative history book.
This is how monocultures behave: they treat questions as threats and competing narratives as heresy. And Cayley warns that once history becomes a “compulsory narrative,” a society stops thinking altogether.
That’s the heart of his message — not nostalgia, not bitterness, but a plea to restore a space where Canadians can actually think again. A broadcaster that questions, probes, listens. A place withdrawn from political urgency long enough to make room for real intellectual work — the kind Harold Innis argued was essential for any functioning democracy.
The tragedy is that the CBC could be that space. The danger is that it no longer wants to be. And the opportunity — if Canada is willing — is a public broadcaster that stops policing narratives and starts hosting conversations again. Because a country can survive bad journalism. What it can’t survive is enforced consensus pretending to be journalism.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Canada’s state broadcaster has finally hit the point even its own veterans can no longer ignore: the CBC has melted into a boutique echo chamber, a taxpayer-funded cathedral for one tribe, one worldview, one approved narrative. And now, as one former insider puts it, the era of “dialogue” is gone — replaced by a top-down sermon that treats half the country like an inconvenience.
David Cayley spent four decades inside the CBC’s engine room. He’s not some outsider with an axe to grind. He’s the kind of producer who once defined the public in public broadcasting. And even he now admits the old CBC “has exhausted itself.” Not reformed. Not challenged. Exhausted. Burned out under the weight of its own assumptions, blind spots, and ideological reflexes.
He says the quiet part out loud: the CBC is no longer “belonging to the audience.” It belongs to a preferred audience — the one that already agrees with it. Everyone else? Treated as fringe, unruly, or dangerous. A broadcaster that once prided itself on intellectual curiosity now flinches from viewpoints that complicate the noscript.
During COVID, Cayley watched a publicly funded institution meant to interrogate power instead become its hype-crew. “Thoughtless cheerleading,” he calls it — pretending evolving political messaging was settled science, branding dissent as “misinformation,” and amputating legitimate scientific debate because it didn’t fit the day’s official line.
And here’s the irony: Carney now says the CBC exists “to combat misinformation.” But Cayley hits the real question: what does Carney mean by misinformation? Something factually wrong — or something that challenges his worldview? When governments change their story repeatedly while silencing anyone who questions it… the label loses meaning.
Cayley’s examples cut deep:
• The Freedom Convoy — demonized rather than understood as a sign of a public that felt unheard.
• A bill to criminalize “residential school denialism,” which threatens to outlaw even academic debate.
• A mayor in B.C. attacked because his wife read an alternative history book.
This is how monocultures behave: they treat questions as threats and competing narratives as heresy. And Cayley warns that once history becomes a “compulsory narrative,” a society stops thinking altogether.
That’s the heart of his message — not nostalgia, not bitterness, but a plea to restore a space where Canadians can actually think again. A broadcaster that questions, probes, listens. A place withdrawn from political urgency long enough to make room for real intellectual work — the kind Harold Innis argued was essential for any functioning democracy.
The tragedy is that the CBC could be that space. The danger is that it no longer wants to be. And the opportunity — if Canada is willing — is a public broadcaster that stops policing narratives and starts hosting conversations again. Because a country can survive bad journalism. What it can’t survive is enforced consensus pretending to be journalism.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
👍13❤3👏3
🇨🇦 Another Alberta Separatist Heads to Mar-a-Lago — And Washington Can Smell the Desperation
Alberta separatism is having one of its periodic flare-ups — the kind that burns hot on Facebook, sizzles on talk radio, and then gets exported to Washington where ambitious men pose for selfies and call it diplomacy. Cameron Davies, leader of the Republican Party of Alberta, is now the latest figure to make the pilgrimage south, pitching an “Alberta Republic” to anyone in D.C. or Mar-a-Lago willing to listen. The optics look bold. The substance looks thin.
Davies insists these meetings are about “North American security” and “shared values,” but the real message is simpler: he doesn’t believe Premier Danielle Smith will ever hold an independence referendum, so he’s outsourcing pressure to American conservatives. A strange strategy in a province where most people still believe Alberta’s future should be shaped in Alberta — not in Palm Beach.
Technically, nothing Davies is doing violates the law. But it lands awkwardly at a moment when the King’s Bench is reviewing the constitutionality of the APP’s referendum question — and when Indigenous nations are preparing to raise treaty rights as the ultimate jurisdictional line in the sand. While Davies frames this as strategic vision, the legal terrain is far more complex than a podcast tour or photo-op can solve.
The deeper irony is that separatist leaders keep insisting Alberta’s problem is Ottawa’s interference… while openly seeking political cover from Washington. Even Alberta conservatives who support hard autonomy (policing, pensions, equalization reforms) are wary of inviting foreign actors — especially volatile American factions — into a debate that touches land rights, resource sovereignty, and constitutional architecture.
Davies talks about energy partnerships, tariff-free zones, and EU-style movement between an Alberta Republic and the U.S. But anyone serious in geopolitics understands this: such agreements aren’t made with activists, or even provincial premiers. They are negotiated between sovereign states — and right now, Alberta is not one. So the pitch lands somewhere between aspirational and performative.
The real story is not whether Davies gets a handshake at Mar-a-Lago. It’s whether this strategy fractures the independence movement at the moment it needs discipline, legal clarity, and a serious long-term plan. Right now, Alberta’s autonomy debate risks being overshadowed by flashy photos rather than grounded discussions about jurisdiction, industry, and Indigenous sovereignty.
In the end, Davies may succeed in generating headlines — but the question for Albertans is whether those headlines move the independence file forward, or whether they turn a complex constitutional debate into theatre for an audience thousands of kilometres away. Alberta’s future, whatever shape it takes, won’t be decided in Washington boardrooms or at Florida resorts. And every serious Albertan knows it.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Alberta separatism is having one of its periodic flare-ups — the kind that burns hot on Facebook, sizzles on talk radio, and then gets exported to Washington where ambitious men pose for selfies and call it diplomacy. Cameron Davies, leader of the Republican Party of Alberta, is now the latest figure to make the pilgrimage south, pitching an “Alberta Republic” to anyone in D.C. or Mar-a-Lago willing to listen. The optics look bold. The substance looks thin.
Davies insists these meetings are about “North American security” and “shared values,” but the real message is simpler: he doesn’t believe Premier Danielle Smith will ever hold an independence referendum, so he’s outsourcing pressure to American conservatives. A strange strategy in a province where most people still believe Alberta’s future should be shaped in Alberta — not in Palm Beach.
Technically, nothing Davies is doing violates the law. But it lands awkwardly at a moment when the King’s Bench is reviewing the constitutionality of the APP’s referendum question — and when Indigenous nations are preparing to raise treaty rights as the ultimate jurisdictional line in the sand. While Davies frames this as strategic vision, the legal terrain is far more complex than a podcast tour or photo-op can solve.
The deeper irony is that separatist leaders keep insisting Alberta’s problem is Ottawa’s interference… while openly seeking political cover from Washington. Even Alberta conservatives who support hard autonomy (policing, pensions, equalization reforms) are wary of inviting foreign actors — especially volatile American factions — into a debate that touches land rights, resource sovereignty, and constitutional architecture.
Davies talks about energy partnerships, tariff-free zones, and EU-style movement between an Alberta Republic and the U.S. But anyone serious in geopolitics understands this: such agreements aren’t made with activists, or even provincial premiers. They are negotiated between sovereign states — and right now, Alberta is not one. So the pitch lands somewhere between aspirational and performative.
The real story is not whether Davies gets a handshake at Mar-a-Lago. It’s whether this strategy fractures the independence movement at the moment it needs discipline, legal clarity, and a serious long-term plan. Right now, Alberta’s autonomy debate risks being overshadowed by flashy photos rather than grounded discussions about jurisdiction, industry, and Indigenous sovereignty.
In the end, Davies may succeed in generating headlines — but the question for Albertans is whether those headlines move the independence file forward, or whether they turn a complex constitutional debate into theatre for an audience thousands of kilometres away. Alberta’s future, whatever shape it takes, won’t be decided in Washington boardrooms or at Florida resorts. And every serious Albertan knows it.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡16❤3💯3🤔1🤬1
🇨🇦🇺🇸 Concerns About Trump and Canada–U.S. Relations Spike Again, Nanos Poll Shows
Canadian worries about U.S. President Donald Trump — and the broader state of Canada–U.S. relations — are rising sharply again, according to new weekly tracking from Nanos Research. Nearly 18% of respondents now list Trump and the binational relationship as their top concern, double the level recorded just one month ago.
The second-highest concern, cited by 17.1%, is jobs and the economy — a near tie that reflects how closely Canadians link Trump’s policies with potential economic fallout at home. As Nanos founder Nik Nanos puts it, when Canadians think about Trump, “they’re thinking about what this means for jobs and the economy.” He argues the data underscores growing uncertainty about how the U.S. president’s approach to trade is affecting Canada’s stability.
Two major developments appear to have driven the renewed anxiety. First was Ontario’s anti-tariff television ad — aired during two Toronto Blue Jays World Series games — which used an old Ronald Reagan clip to argue against tariffs. The backlash was immediate: Trump halted trade talks with Canada and announced a fresh 10% tariff on Canadian goods. The timing and scope of the new levy remain unclear.
Second, the federal budget heavily emphasized reducing Canada’s dependency on U.S. markets and boosting domestic economic resilience amid the ongoing trade war. Together, these events have refocused public attention on the volatility of the relationship — and its impact on Canadian livelihoods.
Concern about Trump peaked at over 40% last January, shortly after he returned to the White House and threatened sweeping tariffs. Since then, Nanos says public anxiety has behaved like a “rollercoaster,” rising and falling with each new escalation or setback in bilateral tensions.
Politically, Nanos’ weekly tracking shows the governing Liberals have slipped out of their post-election “honeymoon phase” and are now only a few points ahead of the Conservatives. However, Prime Minister Mark Carney maintains a significant personal advantage: he leads Pierre Poilievre by more than 20 points as preferred prime minister.
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Canadian worries about U.S. President Donald Trump — and the broader state of Canada–U.S. relations — are rising sharply again, according to new weekly tracking from Nanos Research. Nearly 18% of respondents now list Trump and the binational relationship as their top concern, double the level recorded just one month ago.
The second-highest concern, cited by 17.1%, is jobs and the economy — a near tie that reflects how closely Canadians link Trump’s policies with potential economic fallout at home. As Nanos founder Nik Nanos puts it, when Canadians think about Trump, “they’re thinking about what this means for jobs and the economy.” He argues the data underscores growing uncertainty about how the U.S. president’s approach to trade is affecting Canada’s stability.
Two major developments appear to have driven the renewed anxiety. First was Ontario’s anti-tariff television ad — aired during two Toronto Blue Jays World Series games — which used an old Ronald Reagan clip to argue against tariffs. The backlash was immediate: Trump halted trade talks with Canada and announced a fresh 10% tariff on Canadian goods. The timing and scope of the new levy remain unclear.
Second, the federal budget heavily emphasized reducing Canada’s dependency on U.S. markets and boosting domestic economic resilience amid the ongoing trade war. Together, these events have refocused public attention on the volatility of the relationship — and its impact on Canadian livelihoods.
Concern about Trump peaked at over 40% last January, shortly after he returned to the White House and threatened sweeping tariffs. Since then, Nanos says public anxiety has behaved like a “rollercoaster,” rising and falling with each new escalation or setback in bilateral tensions.
Politically, Nanos’ weekly tracking shows the governing Liberals have slipped out of their post-election “honeymoon phase” and are now only a few points ahead of the Conservatives. However, Prime Minister Mark Carney maintains a significant personal advantage: he leads Pierre Poilievre by more than 20 points as preferred prime minister.
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
❤2😁2💯2👍1👎1🤡1
Poilievre Says He Won’t Reflect on Leadership Style After Two MPs Exit Caucus
Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre says he has no intention of reassessing his leadership style following the departure of two MPs — including Nova Scotia MP Chris d’Entremont, who crossed the floor to the Liberals and publicly blamed Poilievre’s “negative” approach to politics for his decision.
Speaking at a press conference in Calgary, Poilievre repeatedly dismissed questions about internal turmoil, insisting his focus remains on affordability and cost-of-living issues. When pressed four separate times about whether the departures prompted any self-reflection, Poilievre simply responded: “No.”
D’Entremont told CBC News he left after senior Conservatives allegedly barged into his office, yelled at him, and called him “a snake” when they learned he was considering switching parties — behaviour he said “sealed the deal.” Conservative House Leader Andrew Scheer and Whip Chris Warkentin acknowledged the “snake” comment but claimed the conversation was calm and measured. Poilievre’s office later issued a statement calling d’Entremont “a liar.”
The defection, followed two days later by Alberta MP Matt Jeneroux announcing his retirement, shook the Conservative caucus and briefly raised concerns about further departures. Jeneroux denied he was pressured to leave but confirmed he will exit politics sometime next year.
The moves give the Carney government slightly more space to maneuver in a tight minority Parliament, bringing the Liberals closer to a working majority. Poilievre accused the media of ignoring dissent within Liberal ranks, pointing to comments from Liberal MP Nathaniel Erskine-Smith criticizing the government’s budget for falling short on climate and housing commitments.
Poilievre insisted he will continue leading the party “as the only leader fighting for an affordable Canada,” while d’Entremont countered that the Conservatives are “spinning” and that Poilievre’s response only “proves my point.”
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre says he has no intention of reassessing his leadership style following the departure of two MPs — including Nova Scotia MP Chris d’Entremont, who crossed the floor to the Liberals and publicly blamed Poilievre’s “negative” approach to politics for his decision.
Speaking at a press conference in Calgary, Poilievre repeatedly dismissed questions about internal turmoil, insisting his focus remains on affordability and cost-of-living issues. When pressed four separate times about whether the departures prompted any self-reflection, Poilievre simply responded: “No.”
D’Entremont told CBC News he left after senior Conservatives allegedly barged into his office, yelled at him, and called him “a snake” when they learned he was considering switching parties — behaviour he said “sealed the deal.” Conservative House Leader Andrew Scheer and Whip Chris Warkentin acknowledged the “snake” comment but claimed the conversation was calm and measured. Poilievre’s office later issued a statement calling d’Entremont “a liar.”
The defection, followed two days later by Alberta MP Matt Jeneroux announcing his retirement, shook the Conservative caucus and briefly raised concerns about further departures. Jeneroux denied he was pressured to leave but confirmed he will exit politics sometime next year.
The moves give the Carney government slightly more space to maneuver in a tight minority Parliament, bringing the Liberals closer to a working majority. Poilievre accused the media of ignoring dissent within Liberal ranks, pointing to comments from Liberal MP Nathaniel Erskine-Smith criticizing the government’s budget for falling short on climate and housing commitments.
Poilievre insisted he will continue leading the party “as the only leader fighting for an affordable Canada,” while d’Entremont countered that the Conservatives are “spinning” and that Poilievre’s response only “proves my point.”
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡10❤2👏2😁1
🇨🇦 Canadians Aren’t Boycotting the U.S. — They’re Opting Out of a Dysfunctional Empire
Canadian travel to the United States hasn’t just dipped — it’s collapsing. Ten straight months down. Billions evaporating. A $5.7B tourism loss and a looming $70B travel deficit for Washington. And for once, it has nothing to do with currency exchange or snowbird budgets. Canadians aren’t “staying home.” They’re quietly detaching themselves from a neighbour that’s turned border policy into theatre, diplomacy into tantrum, and trade into weaponry.
Legacy media frames this as Canadians “boycotting Trump.” But that’s the surface layer. Underneath, something deeper is happening: a soft decoupling. Ordinary people are reading the geopolitical winds long before the think-tanks do. Why funnel your dollars into a country that calls you its “51st state,” slaps tariffs on your industries, fingerprints retirees at the border, and threatens more economic punishment every time Ontario runs an ad?
Washington’s political climate has become so turbo-charged, so unstable, so addicted to domestic culture war theatrics, that Canadians — traditionally the most loyal, highest-spending visitors America has — are quietly voting with their passports. And it’s devastating the very states that rely on Canadian money to keep their hotels, ski resorts, border malls, and municipal tax bases afloat. Buffalo. Upstate New York. Seattle. Kalispell. The shockwaves are everywhere.
Even snowbirds with Florida condos are saying “no thanks.” When lifelong retirees say they’d rather spend winter in Costa Rica, Turks & Caicos, China, or Taiwan instead of Naples or Fort Lauderdale, something fundamental has broken in the cross-border relationship. And it’s not because Canadians suddenly discovered tropical beaches — it’s because the U.S. government now treats friendly visitors like security threats.
Trump claims “great love between the two countries,” yet simultaneously threatens more tariffs and insists the U.S. is subsidizing Canada — a claim that falls apart on contact with reality. The U.S. runs a travel deficit, a tourism deficit, and enjoys below-market Canadian energy. Without Canadian travellers, the U.S. tourism sector is gushing cash.
Now Washington’s own economists are sounding the alarm. A declining loonie? Doesn’t matter. Cheap flights? Doesn’t matter. The issue isn’t affordability — it’s dignity. Canadians aren’t avoiding America because it’s expensive. They’re avoiding it because it’s exhausting.
And the most revealing part? U.S. states are now rolling out discount campaigns, “Canadian Welcome Passes,” and restaurant deals just to coax back the people who used to flood their malls every weekend. When the empire has to offer coupons to its closest ally, the brand is collapsing from within.
What we’re seeing isn’t spite. It’s not anger. It’s a shift in consciousness:
Canadians are realizing they no longer need America like they used to — and the U.S. is realizing it desperately needs Canadians more than it wants to admit
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Canadian travel to the United States hasn’t just dipped — it’s collapsing. Ten straight months down. Billions evaporating. A $5.7B tourism loss and a looming $70B travel deficit for Washington. And for once, it has nothing to do with currency exchange or snowbird budgets. Canadians aren’t “staying home.” They’re quietly detaching themselves from a neighbour that’s turned border policy into theatre, diplomacy into tantrum, and trade into weaponry.
Legacy media frames this as Canadians “boycotting Trump.” But that’s the surface layer. Underneath, something deeper is happening: a soft decoupling. Ordinary people are reading the geopolitical winds long before the think-tanks do. Why funnel your dollars into a country that calls you its “51st state,” slaps tariffs on your industries, fingerprints retirees at the border, and threatens more economic punishment every time Ontario runs an ad?
Washington’s political climate has become so turbo-charged, so unstable, so addicted to domestic culture war theatrics, that Canadians — traditionally the most loyal, highest-spending visitors America has — are quietly voting with their passports. And it’s devastating the very states that rely on Canadian money to keep their hotels, ski resorts, border malls, and municipal tax bases afloat. Buffalo. Upstate New York. Seattle. Kalispell. The shockwaves are everywhere.
Even snowbirds with Florida condos are saying “no thanks.” When lifelong retirees say they’d rather spend winter in Costa Rica, Turks & Caicos, China, or Taiwan instead of Naples or Fort Lauderdale, something fundamental has broken in the cross-border relationship. And it’s not because Canadians suddenly discovered tropical beaches — it’s because the U.S. government now treats friendly visitors like security threats.
Trump claims “great love between the two countries,” yet simultaneously threatens more tariffs and insists the U.S. is subsidizing Canada — a claim that falls apart on contact with reality. The U.S. runs a travel deficit, a tourism deficit, and enjoys below-market Canadian energy. Without Canadian travellers, the U.S. tourism sector is gushing cash.
Now Washington’s own economists are sounding the alarm. A declining loonie? Doesn’t matter. Cheap flights? Doesn’t matter. The issue isn’t affordability — it’s dignity. Canadians aren’t avoiding America because it’s expensive. They’re avoiding it because it’s exhausting.
And the most revealing part? U.S. states are now rolling out discount campaigns, “Canadian Welcome Passes,” and restaurant deals just to coax back the people who used to flood their malls every weekend. When the empire has to offer coupons to its closest ally, the brand is collapsing from within.
What we’re seeing isn’t spite. It’s not anger. It’s a shift in consciousness:
Canadians are realizing they no longer need America like they used to — and the U.S. is realizing it desperately needs Canadians more than it wants to admit
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡22❤8🥱8👏5😁5🔥4👎3
🇨🇦💸 Carney Unveils Second Batch of ‘Transformational’ Major Projects for Fast-Track Review
Prime Minister Mark Carney announced a new set of major “nation-building” projects Thursday, describing them as “transformational” initiatives intended to strengthen Canada’s long-term competitiveness. The projects will now be forwarded to the federal Major Projects Office (MPO) — the agency Carney created in August — for accelerated assessment.
The new list spans mining, energy, and northern infrastructure. It includes Ontario’s Crawford Nickel Project, Quebec’s Nouveau Monde Graphite Phase 2, New Brunswick’s Sisson Mine, the Inuit-owned Iqaluit Nukkiksautiit Hydro Project, and the Ksi Lisims LNG facility in British Columbia. According to the federal government, the slate aligns with broader priorities around electrification, critical minerals, and Arctic sovereignty.
Carney framed the new LNG proposal — expected to produce up to 12 million tonnes per year for Asian markets — as a strategic export opportunity. He also said the project would be “one of the world’s cleanest LNG operations,” with emissions 94 per cent below global averages. The mining projects, he added, would help secure supplies of nickel, tungsten, and graphite for sectors such as batteries, steelmaking, and defence manufacturing.
The Iqaluit project, already supported by millions in federal design funding, would establish Nunavut’s first fully Inuit-owned hydro facility, reducing dependence on diesel and supporting long-term energy stability in the North. Carney called the project “a breakthrough for Arctic sovereignty and sustainability.”
Notably absent from Thursday’s announcements was Alberta. Asked whether a separate agreement was being negotiated with the province, Carney said discussions on a memorandum of understanding were “going well,” but that several issues still needed to be resolved.
Responding from an event in B.C., Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre dismissed the announcement, saying Carney was simply taking credit for projects already in the pipeline. “He’s like a rooster who thinks he made the sun rise because he crowed,” Poilievre said.
Thursday’s slate builds on the first batch released two months ago — a group of five projects involving ports, small modular nuclear development, LNG infrastructure and mining. Critics at the time called them “low-hanging fruit” because much of the development work was already underway.
According to testimony from MPO CEO Dawn Farrell, upcoming reviews will consider how advanced each proposal is and whether it can realistically be executed within a shorter timeframe. No project to date has received a formal national interest designation, which would grant exemptions from federal laws such as the Fisheries Act or the Species At Risk Act. The MPO will return recommendations once its assessments are complete, after which the government will decide whether to provide that designation.
The federal budget proposes $213.8 million over five years for the MPO and outlines legislation to eventually convert the office into a standalone Crown corporation.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Prime Minister Mark Carney announced a new set of major “nation-building” projects Thursday, describing them as “transformational” initiatives intended to strengthen Canada’s long-term competitiveness. The projects will now be forwarded to the federal Major Projects Office (MPO) — the agency Carney created in August — for accelerated assessment.
The new list spans mining, energy, and northern infrastructure. It includes Ontario’s Crawford Nickel Project, Quebec’s Nouveau Monde Graphite Phase 2, New Brunswick’s Sisson Mine, the Inuit-owned Iqaluit Nukkiksautiit Hydro Project, and the Ksi Lisims LNG facility in British Columbia. According to the federal government, the slate aligns with broader priorities around electrification, critical minerals, and Arctic sovereignty.
Carney framed the new LNG proposal — expected to produce up to 12 million tonnes per year for Asian markets — as a strategic export opportunity. He also said the project would be “one of the world’s cleanest LNG operations,” with emissions 94 per cent below global averages. The mining projects, he added, would help secure supplies of nickel, tungsten, and graphite for sectors such as batteries, steelmaking, and defence manufacturing.
The Iqaluit project, already supported by millions in federal design funding, would establish Nunavut’s first fully Inuit-owned hydro facility, reducing dependence on diesel and supporting long-term energy stability in the North. Carney called the project “a breakthrough for Arctic sovereignty and sustainability.”
Notably absent from Thursday’s announcements was Alberta. Asked whether a separate agreement was being negotiated with the province, Carney said discussions on a memorandum of understanding were “going well,” but that several issues still needed to be resolved.
Responding from an event in B.C., Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre dismissed the announcement, saying Carney was simply taking credit for projects already in the pipeline. “He’s like a rooster who thinks he made the sun rise because he crowed,” Poilievre said.
Thursday’s slate builds on the first batch released two months ago — a group of five projects involving ports, small modular nuclear development, LNG infrastructure and mining. Critics at the time called them “low-hanging fruit” because much of the development work was already underway.
According to testimony from MPO CEO Dawn Farrell, upcoming reviews will consider how advanced each proposal is and whether it can realistically be executed within a shorter timeframe. No project to date has received a formal national interest designation, which would grant exemptions from federal laws such as the Fisheries Act or the Species At Risk Act. The MPO will return recommendations once its assessments are complete, after which the government will decide whether to provide that designation.
The federal budget proposes $213.8 million over five years for the MPO and outlines legislation to eventually convert the office into a standalone Crown corporation.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡11😁1💯1
🇨🇦🇸🇪 Swedish Manufacturer Says Up to 10,000 New Jobs Could Come to Canada if Gripen Deal Moves Ahead
Swedish aerospace firm SAAB says as many as 10,000 manufacturing and research jobs could be created in Canada if Ottawa decides to add the company’s Gripen fighter jet to the Royal Canadian Air Force fleet. The comments came during a CTV News interview with SAAB President and CEO Micael Johansson at the company’s Stockholm headquarters, ahead of next week’s official visit to Canada by Sweden’s King Carl XVI Gustaf and Queen Silvia.
Johansson confirmed that talks with Ottawa have included the possibility of building Gripen jets on Canadian soil, with companies such as Bombardier, CAE, and IMP Aerospace and Defence positioned as potential partners. He said SAAB is open to deepening existing collaborations or forming a joint venture to handle assembly, testing, and long-term upgrades in Canada.
“If Canada wants to create sovereign capabilities… we are prepared to do that,” Johansson said. “We could do a technology transfer to Canada and support that build-up.” The company says the first Canadian-built jet could be produced within three to five years, depending on facilities and approvals.
Johansson added that a Canadian production line would not only serve Canada’s needs but also support international orders, including a potential 100-jet package for Ukraine, which has already indicated interest in the aircraft. SAAB argues that expanding production capacity is necessary, given Sweden’s limited pool of engineers and skilled workers. Establishing a second or third assembly hub abroad, Johansson said, “makes sense” — especially in a country aligned with Sweden on Arctic security.
Canada has already committed to purchasing 16 F-35s, with an option to expand to 88. But Prime Minister Mark Carney ordered a formal review of the deal earlier this year, raising the possibility of sticking with the U.S.-built F-35, shifting to a mixed fleet, or reevaluating the procurement entirely. The review’s outcome remains unresolved.
The Swedish delegation visiting Ottawa and Montreal next week includes senior political and industry leaders, with stops — including one at Bombardier — focused on strengthening defence and industrial cooperation. There is no indication yet of whether the federal government is close to a decision.
Johansson emphasized that Sweden isn’t formally lobbying Ottawa, but responding to requests for information. “It would be great for Sweden, for Canada, and for Europe to have Canada on board with deeper relationships on security and defence-related business,” he said. “But it’s up to Canada.”
#Canada #Sweden
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Swedish aerospace firm SAAB says as many as 10,000 manufacturing and research jobs could be created in Canada if Ottawa decides to add the company’s Gripen fighter jet to the Royal Canadian Air Force fleet. The comments came during a CTV News interview with SAAB President and CEO Micael Johansson at the company’s Stockholm headquarters, ahead of next week’s official visit to Canada by Sweden’s King Carl XVI Gustaf and Queen Silvia.
Johansson confirmed that talks with Ottawa have included the possibility of building Gripen jets on Canadian soil, with companies such as Bombardier, CAE, and IMP Aerospace and Defence positioned as potential partners. He said SAAB is open to deepening existing collaborations or forming a joint venture to handle assembly, testing, and long-term upgrades in Canada.
“If Canada wants to create sovereign capabilities… we are prepared to do that,” Johansson said. “We could do a technology transfer to Canada and support that build-up.” The company says the first Canadian-built jet could be produced within three to five years, depending on facilities and approvals.
Johansson added that a Canadian production line would not only serve Canada’s needs but also support international orders, including a potential 100-jet package for Ukraine, which has already indicated interest in the aircraft. SAAB argues that expanding production capacity is necessary, given Sweden’s limited pool of engineers and skilled workers. Establishing a second or third assembly hub abroad, Johansson said, “makes sense” — especially in a country aligned with Sweden on Arctic security.
Canada has already committed to purchasing 16 F-35s, with an option to expand to 88. But Prime Minister Mark Carney ordered a formal review of the deal earlier this year, raising the possibility of sticking with the U.S.-built F-35, shifting to a mixed fleet, or reevaluating the procurement entirely. The review’s outcome remains unresolved.
The Swedish delegation visiting Ottawa and Montreal next week includes senior political and industry leaders, with stops — including one at Bombardier — focused on strengthening defence and industrial cooperation. There is no indication yet of whether the federal government is close to a decision.
Johansson emphasized that Sweden isn’t formally lobbying Ottawa, but responding to requests for information. “It would be great for Sweden, for Canada, and for Europe to have Canada on board with deeper relationships on security and defence-related business,” he said. “But it’s up to Canada.”
#Canada #Sweden
🍁 Maple Chronicles
👍13💩12😁3❤1
🇨🇦 Global Automakers Gain Ground in Canada as Trump’s Trade War Reshapes the Auto Market
Automakers from Asia and Europe are rapidly expanding their footprint in the Canadian market as the Canada–U.S. trade war continues to disrupt long-standing North American supply chains. New Statistics Canada data shows that vehicles built outside North America accounted for 34% of all Canadian vehicle sales in August, up sharply from 28.8% just months earlier, before the U.S. imposed sweeping tariffs.
During the same period, the share of Canadian, American, and Mexican-made vehicles sold in Canada fell from 71.1% to 65.9%, underscoring how quickly global manufacturers are seizing market share. As U.S. President Donald Trump escalates tariffs — including 50% duties on Canadian steel and aluminum — foreign automakers remain insulated, able to ship vehicles into Canada at zero tariff under existing trade agreements.
Industry analysts say the shift is the predictable outcome of a fragmented North American market. “It’s a great opportunity for companies in other parts of the world to step up and say, ‘We can sell you cars,’” said Brendan Sweeney of the Trillium Network for Advanced Manufacturing. For many multinational automakers, Canada is now easier to serve from South Korea, Japan, or China than from the U.S., whose own exports to Canada have fallen from 60.8% in 2014 to 48.9% in 2024.
The trend builds on longer-term erosion in Canadian manufacturing. Canada produced just 1.24 million vehicles in 2024 — a stunning 58% drop from its 1999 peak — and the trade war has accelerated that decline. Automakers are already reacting: Stellantis has frozen a $1-billion investment in Brampton, and General Motors is cutting production shifts in Oshawa and shuttering its BrightDrop electric van line in Ingersoll.
With Canada sending 88% of its vehicle exports to the U.S., a shrinking American market poses an immediate threat to domestic manufacturing jobs. “We are in big trouble,” said Carleton University’s Fen Hampson. “We need to start asking where the jobs will be a year from now.”
Unifor, representing more than 300,000 workers, is urging Ottawa to apply tougher pressure on Washington — including leveraging exports of energy, potash, and aluminum — and says Canada should be prepared to reject next year’s renewal of the Canada–U.S.–Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) unless it protects Canadian industry.
Automakers with major Canadian operations, including Toyota and Stellantis, are calling for a return to a fully integrated continental supply chain, warning that punitive tariffs will only accelerate the shift of production to Asia. Industry voices stress that the future of trade is becoming more restrictive, and Canada must adapt quickly or risk losing what remains of its automotive manufacturing base.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Automakers from Asia and Europe are rapidly expanding their footprint in the Canadian market as the Canada–U.S. trade war continues to disrupt long-standing North American supply chains. New Statistics Canada data shows that vehicles built outside North America accounted for 34% of all Canadian vehicle sales in August, up sharply from 28.8% just months earlier, before the U.S. imposed sweeping tariffs.
During the same period, the share of Canadian, American, and Mexican-made vehicles sold in Canada fell from 71.1% to 65.9%, underscoring how quickly global manufacturers are seizing market share. As U.S. President Donald Trump escalates tariffs — including 50% duties on Canadian steel and aluminum — foreign automakers remain insulated, able to ship vehicles into Canada at zero tariff under existing trade agreements.
Industry analysts say the shift is the predictable outcome of a fragmented North American market. “It’s a great opportunity for companies in other parts of the world to step up and say, ‘We can sell you cars,’” said Brendan Sweeney of the Trillium Network for Advanced Manufacturing. For many multinational automakers, Canada is now easier to serve from South Korea, Japan, or China than from the U.S., whose own exports to Canada have fallen from 60.8% in 2014 to 48.9% in 2024.
The trend builds on longer-term erosion in Canadian manufacturing. Canada produced just 1.24 million vehicles in 2024 — a stunning 58% drop from its 1999 peak — and the trade war has accelerated that decline. Automakers are already reacting: Stellantis has frozen a $1-billion investment in Brampton, and General Motors is cutting production shifts in Oshawa and shuttering its BrightDrop electric van line in Ingersoll.
With Canada sending 88% of its vehicle exports to the U.S., a shrinking American market poses an immediate threat to domestic manufacturing jobs. “We are in big trouble,” said Carleton University’s Fen Hampson. “We need to start asking where the jobs will be a year from now.”
Unifor, representing more than 300,000 workers, is urging Ottawa to apply tougher pressure on Washington — including leveraging exports of energy, potash, and aluminum — and says Canada should be prepared to reject next year’s renewal of the Canada–U.S.–Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) unless it protects Canadian industry.
Automakers with major Canadian operations, including Toyota and Stellantis, are calling for a return to a fully integrated continental supply chain, warning that punitive tariffs will only accelerate the shift of production to Asia. Industry voices stress that the future of trade is becoming more restrictive, and Canada must adapt quickly or risk losing what remains of its automotive manufacturing base.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡5❤3👏1😁1🤔1
🇨🇦💸 Ottawa Spent Over $19B on External Services Last Year — Despite Pledge to Cut Reliance on Consultants
New federal records show the government spent more than $19 billion on external professional and special services in 2024–25 — nearly $2 billion more than the previous year, and $8.5 billion more than in 2020 — despite Prime Minister Mark Carney’s campaign vow to reduce dependence on outside consultants.
The Treasury Board Secretariat says the rise was driven by higher spending on engineering and architectural services, shipbuilding-related work, health services for refugee claimants, and specialized pilot and aircrew training for the Royal Canadian Air Force.
Government accounts show a total of $23.1 billion was spent on professional and special services last fiscal year, with $19.5 billion of that going to external contractors.
The Department of National Defence accounted for the largest share, spending $6.9 billion, while Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada spent $1.7 billion.
Carney pledged during the election to curb outsourcing and rebuild in-house public-service capacity. But the new figures revive longstanding criticism of the Liberals’ heavy use of consultants — a pattern highlighted last year by Auditor General Karen Hogan, who found weak oversight and over-reliance on external contractors contributed to ArriveCan’s costs ballooning to nearly $60 million.
Public accounts show that back in 2019–20, the federal government spent $11 billion on external professional and special services — meaning outsourcing has nearly doubled since the start of the decade.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
New federal records show the government spent more than $19 billion on external professional and special services in 2024–25 — nearly $2 billion more than the previous year, and $8.5 billion more than in 2020 — despite Prime Minister Mark Carney’s campaign vow to reduce dependence on outside consultants.
The Treasury Board Secretariat says the rise was driven by higher spending on engineering and architectural services, shipbuilding-related work, health services for refugee claimants, and specialized pilot and aircrew training for the Royal Canadian Air Force.
Government accounts show a total of $23.1 billion was spent on professional and special services last fiscal year, with $19.5 billion of that going to external contractors.
The Department of National Defence accounted for the largest share, spending $6.9 billion, while Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada spent $1.7 billion.
Carney pledged during the election to curb outsourcing and rebuild in-house public-service capacity. But the new figures revive longstanding criticism of the Liberals’ heavy use of consultants — a pattern highlighted last year by Auditor General Karen Hogan, who found weak oversight and over-reliance on external contractors contributed to ArriveCan’s costs ballooning to nearly $60 million.
Public accounts show that back in 2019–20, the federal government spent $11 billion on external professional and special services — meaning outsourcing has nearly doubled since the start of the decade.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
💩6🤯4🤬4❤1
🇨🇦💸 Tax Experts Slam Ottawa for Burying Key Policy Reversal in Budget Footnotes
Tax professionals are criticizing the federal government for quietly reversing a major tax proposal affecting flow-through shares — and doing so in a footnote buried deep in last week’s budget documents.
Flow-through shares allow corporations to renounce exploration and development expenses to investors, enabling those investors to claim deductions. They are widely used in mining, energy, and charitable giving strategies. Last year, the government proposed allowing these deductions to be 100% deductible under the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) — a significant change welcomed by investors, donors, and resource companies.
That proposal has now been cancelled. But rather than announcing the reversal in the budget’s main tax section, the government disclosed it only in a single line in footnote 9 of Table A1.18, on page 277 of the budget — a table that spans 10 pages.
The footnote, attached to a line item outlining the fiscal cost of cancelling the capital gains tax hike, simply states that the estimates “also include the cancellation… of the proposal to fully allow resource expense deductions under the AMT.”
Tax experts say this approach is unacceptable.
“The reversal of tax policies is as significant as implementing new tax policies and should receive appropriate consideration in the budget document,” said John Oakey, vice-president of taxation with the Chartered Professional Accountants of Canada. “Announcing tax policy changes in budget footnotes is not an appropriate way to inform taxpayers or their advisor.”
Others in the flow-through and charitable giving sector voiced similar frustration. Henry Korenblum of Oberon Capital called the reversal “disappointing,” saying it removes support for the mining and resource sector and reduces both investor and donor capacity.
Ron Bernbaum, CEO of PearTree Financial, noted his organization provided extensive analysis to the Department of Finance showing that eliminating the AMT add-back for exploration expenses would generate at least $350 million annually in new exploration financing and job creation. That modelling informed the government’s earlier 2024 proposal — which died when Parliament was prorogued — and Bernbaum expected it to return in this budget.
“It wasn’t,” he said.
The budget did contain positive changes to flow-through shares, including expanding the list of critical minerals eligible for the 30% Critical Mineral Exploration Tax Credit. New additions include bismuth, cesium, chromium, fluorspar, germanium, indium, manganese, molybdenum, niobium, tantalum, tin, and tungsten. These incentives apply to flow-through agreements signed after budget day until March 31, 2027.
At the same time, Ottawa is also tightening the definition of Canadian Exploration Expenses (CEE). New amendments clarify that determining the “quality” of a mineral resource excludes assessing its economic viability or engineering feasibility — a response to a recent B.C. Supreme Court decision that broadened what “quality” could include. The change applies immediately.
For now, tax practitioners say the biggest issue isn’t the policy itself, but how the federal government communicated it.
“Taxpayers deserve better than buried footnotes,” Oakey said.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Tax professionals are criticizing the federal government for quietly reversing a major tax proposal affecting flow-through shares — and doing so in a footnote buried deep in last week’s budget documents.
Flow-through shares allow corporations to renounce exploration and development expenses to investors, enabling those investors to claim deductions. They are widely used in mining, energy, and charitable giving strategies. Last year, the government proposed allowing these deductions to be 100% deductible under the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) — a significant change welcomed by investors, donors, and resource companies.
That proposal has now been cancelled. But rather than announcing the reversal in the budget’s main tax section, the government disclosed it only in a single line in footnote 9 of Table A1.18, on page 277 of the budget — a table that spans 10 pages.
The footnote, attached to a line item outlining the fiscal cost of cancelling the capital gains tax hike, simply states that the estimates “also include the cancellation… of the proposal to fully allow resource expense deductions under the AMT.”
Tax experts say this approach is unacceptable.
“The reversal of tax policies is as significant as implementing new tax policies and should receive appropriate consideration in the budget document,” said John Oakey, vice-president of taxation with the Chartered Professional Accountants of Canada. “Announcing tax policy changes in budget footnotes is not an appropriate way to inform taxpayers or their advisor.”
Others in the flow-through and charitable giving sector voiced similar frustration. Henry Korenblum of Oberon Capital called the reversal “disappointing,” saying it removes support for the mining and resource sector and reduces both investor and donor capacity.
Ron Bernbaum, CEO of PearTree Financial, noted his organization provided extensive analysis to the Department of Finance showing that eliminating the AMT add-back for exploration expenses would generate at least $350 million annually in new exploration financing and job creation. That modelling informed the government’s earlier 2024 proposal — which died when Parliament was prorogued — and Bernbaum expected it to return in this budget.
“It wasn’t,” he said.
The budget did contain positive changes to flow-through shares, including expanding the list of critical minerals eligible for the 30% Critical Mineral Exploration Tax Credit. New additions include bismuth, cesium, chromium, fluorspar, germanium, indium, manganese, molybdenum, niobium, tantalum, tin, and tungsten. These incentives apply to flow-through agreements signed after budget day until March 31, 2027.
At the same time, Ottawa is also tightening the definition of Canadian Exploration Expenses (CEE). New amendments clarify that determining the “quality” of a mineral resource excludes assessing its economic viability or engineering feasibility — a response to a recent B.C. Supreme Court decision that broadened what “quality” could include. The change applies immediately.
For now, tax practitioners say the biggest issue isn’t the policy itself, but how the federal government communicated it.
“Taxpayers deserve better than buried footnotes,” Oakey said.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤬6❤1🤔1🤯1
🇺🇸🇨🇦 Poll: Record Number of Young U.S. Women Want to Leave — and Canada Is Their Top Destination
A new Gallup poll finds a record surge in the number of young American women who say they want to leave the United States permanently — and Canada is their preferred destination.
According to the survey, 40% of U.S. women aged 15 to 44 say they would move abroad if given the chance, more than double the 19% of men in the same age bracket. Gallup says the 21-point gender gap is the largest ever recorded in the poll’s history.
Among young women considering a new home, 11% named Canada as their top choice, ahead of New Zealand, Italy, and Japan.
Overall, about one in five Americans report wanting to leave the country — a higher level than seen in recent years. But Gallup stresses that expressing desire is far more common than actually emigrating.
The spike among young women has been building since 2016, when Donald Trump first ran for president and the U.S. entered a period of sharp political polarization. The trend accelerated after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned abortion rights in 2022, which Gallup identifies as a turning point: confidence among young women in the U.S. justice system plunged from 55% in 2015 to 32% today.
Gallup also notes that younger women heavily lean Democratic, contributing to the widening divide in migration sentiment under Trump’s renewed presidency. The research shows a 25-point gap between Americans who approve and disapprove of the current leadership — one of the largest on record.
By contrast, Canadians’ desire to leave Canada has fallen slightly. Roughly 16% of young Canadians now say they would consider moving abroad, down from 20% in previous years. But among those considering a move, the United States remains the top destination, even as Canada-U.S. relations have grown strained during Trump’s second term.
Gallup polled 1,000 Americans by phone between June 14 and July 16. The margin of error is ±4.4 percentage points.
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
A new Gallup poll finds a record surge in the number of young American women who say they want to leave the United States permanently — and Canada is their preferred destination.
According to the survey, 40% of U.S. women aged 15 to 44 say they would move abroad if given the chance, more than double the 19% of men in the same age bracket. Gallup says the 21-point gender gap is the largest ever recorded in the poll’s history.
Among young women considering a new home, 11% named Canada as their top choice, ahead of New Zealand, Italy, and Japan.
Overall, about one in five Americans report wanting to leave the country — a higher level than seen in recent years. But Gallup stresses that expressing desire is far more common than actually emigrating.
The spike among young women has been building since 2016, when Donald Trump first ran for president and the U.S. entered a period of sharp political polarization. The trend accelerated after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned abortion rights in 2022, which Gallup identifies as a turning point: confidence among young women in the U.S. justice system plunged from 55% in 2015 to 32% today.
Gallup also notes that younger women heavily lean Democratic, contributing to the widening divide in migration sentiment under Trump’s renewed presidency. The research shows a 25-point gap between Americans who approve and disapprove of the current leadership — one of the largest on record.
By contrast, Canadians’ desire to leave Canada has fallen slightly. Roughly 16% of young Canadians now say they would consider moving abroad, down from 20% in previous years. But among those considering a move, the United States remains the top destination, even as Canada-U.S. relations have grown strained during Trump’s second term.
Gallup polled 1,000 Americans by phone between June 14 and July 16. The margin of error is ±4.4 percentage points.
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡16🍌7😁5🤮4❤2👍1👎1💩1
🇨🇦 Carney Gifts B.C. NDP a Project Windfall Ahead of Eby’s Leadership Review
Prime Minister Mark Carney delivered a political windfall to B.C. Premier David Eby this week, announcing a slate of major federal project approvals just 48 hours before Eby faces a potentially shaky leadership review in Victoria. The timing — and the concentration of federal largesse — has raised eyebrows across the West.
In the second round of “nation-building” projects unveiled Thursday, B.C. scored four major approvals, including the $30-billion Ksi Lisims LNG project and a major North Coast electricity transmission line. Alberta, by contrast, received zero new approvals, adding to frustration that the province has been largely sidelined in the federal project sweepstakes.
Braid notes the political convenience of Carney announcing the package in Terrace, B.C., rather than in Quebec or Ontario — both of which also received projects. The move effectively hands Eby a stack of economic wins at a moment when his NDP government holds power by only a single seat, with internal union tensions and party discontent threatening his leadership.
The LNG and transmission projects are widely considered transformative for northern B.C., promising billions in investment, accelerated permitting, and signals of federal confidence that encourage further private capital. They follow earlier approvals this fall, including the Red Chris copper-gold mine and support for Phase 2 of LNG Canada in Kitimat.
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, who has pushed for federal movement on pipelines and repeal of the northern tanker ban, received only a nod for the Pathways carbon capture project — a far cry from the broader concessions she wanted by this week’s Grey Cup deadline. Her response was noticeably muted, a sign she wants to avoid derailing sensitive negotiations underway with Ottawa.
Meanwhile, Eby emerges from the announcement with precisely what he needs: major federal backing, economic headlines, and political momentum heading into his party’s review. And as Braid concludes, Carney appears to have accomplished his own goal — ensuring B.C. stays out of Conservative hands and aligned with his federal agenda.
#BC #Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Prime Minister Mark Carney delivered a political windfall to B.C. Premier David Eby this week, announcing a slate of major federal project approvals just 48 hours before Eby faces a potentially shaky leadership review in Victoria. The timing — and the concentration of federal largesse — has raised eyebrows across the West.
In the second round of “nation-building” projects unveiled Thursday, B.C. scored four major approvals, including the $30-billion Ksi Lisims LNG project and a major North Coast electricity transmission line. Alberta, by contrast, received zero new approvals, adding to frustration that the province has been largely sidelined in the federal project sweepstakes.
Braid notes the political convenience of Carney announcing the package in Terrace, B.C., rather than in Quebec or Ontario — both of which also received projects. The move effectively hands Eby a stack of economic wins at a moment when his NDP government holds power by only a single seat, with internal union tensions and party discontent threatening his leadership.
The LNG and transmission projects are widely considered transformative for northern B.C., promising billions in investment, accelerated permitting, and signals of federal confidence that encourage further private capital. They follow earlier approvals this fall, including the Red Chris copper-gold mine and support for Phase 2 of LNG Canada in Kitimat.
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, who has pushed for federal movement on pipelines and repeal of the northern tanker ban, received only a nod for the Pathways carbon capture project — a far cry from the broader concessions she wanted by this week’s Grey Cup deadline. Her response was noticeably muted, a sign she wants to avoid derailing sensitive negotiations underway with Ottawa.
Meanwhile, Eby emerges from the announcement with precisely what he needs: major federal backing, economic headlines, and political momentum heading into his party’s review. And as Braid concludes, Carney appears to have accomplished his own goal — ensuring B.C. stays out of Conservative hands and aligned with his federal agenda.
#BC #Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
❤2😁1🤔1🤬1
🇨🇦 Carney Budget Cuts Hit Veterans Affairs Hard — One Tenth of Savings Come From Lower Cannabis Reimbursements
Veterans Affairs Canada is facing one of the largest funding reductions in the 2025 federal budget, with $4.23 billion in required savings over the next four years. According to department officials, the bulk of these cuts will come from changes to how the government reimburses medical cannabis for veterans and former RCMP members.
Since 2008, Veterans Affairs has funded cannabis for veterans with a physician’s authorization. What began as a small program — just 37 clients in 2011 — has expanded dramatically, especially after cannabis legalization in 2018. As of 2024, the program covers 27,643 veterans, costing taxpayers $245 million a year, up from $50 million in 2017.
The amount of cannabis being reimbursed has risen sharply as well: from 24 million grams in 2023 to more than 30 million grams in 2024 — roughly 12 million joints’ worth. Despite the growth, the department notes that the scientific evidence for its medical effectiveness remains limited.
Rather than cut access, the 2025 budget lowers the federal reimbursement rate from $8.50 per gram to $6, a figure the government says is closer to current market prices. Veterans Affairs estimates this single change will save $4.4 billion over the long term — representing one dollar out of every ten in the government’s $44.2 billion expenditure-reduction plan.
These cannabis-related adjustments form the core of the Veterans Affairs savings plan. The department says all existing benefits and services remain intact, though it continues to fall short on key performance indicators. Only 40% of veterans report their overall health as “very good or excellent,” below the department’s 50% target, and only 49% report top-tier mental health. Veteran employment outcomes are also lagging, with 56% employed versus a target of 70%.
The cuts come in a budget that otherwise commits to significant federal spending growth — $450 billion over the long term — and projects a $78.3 billion deficit, the largest outside the COVID-19 era. Veterans Affairs will receive one new investment: $184.9 million over four years to improve processing times for disability benefit applications.
The budget’s approach has sparked criticism over priorities, as other departments face much smaller reductions. Women and Gender Equality, Crown-Indigenous Relations, and several research-grant agencies were asked to cut only 2% of spending. The Department of Finance avoided firm reduction targets altogether, with plans to “rationalize back-office expenditures.”
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Veterans Affairs Canada is facing one of the largest funding reductions in the 2025 federal budget, with $4.23 billion in required savings over the next four years. According to department officials, the bulk of these cuts will come from changes to how the government reimburses medical cannabis for veterans and former RCMP members.
Since 2008, Veterans Affairs has funded cannabis for veterans with a physician’s authorization. What began as a small program — just 37 clients in 2011 — has expanded dramatically, especially after cannabis legalization in 2018. As of 2024, the program covers 27,643 veterans, costing taxpayers $245 million a year, up from $50 million in 2017.
The amount of cannabis being reimbursed has risen sharply as well: from 24 million grams in 2023 to more than 30 million grams in 2024 — roughly 12 million joints’ worth. Despite the growth, the department notes that the scientific evidence for its medical effectiveness remains limited.
Rather than cut access, the 2025 budget lowers the federal reimbursement rate from $8.50 per gram to $6, a figure the government says is closer to current market prices. Veterans Affairs estimates this single change will save $4.4 billion over the long term — representing one dollar out of every ten in the government’s $44.2 billion expenditure-reduction plan.
These cannabis-related adjustments form the core of the Veterans Affairs savings plan. The department says all existing benefits and services remain intact, though it continues to fall short on key performance indicators. Only 40% of veterans report their overall health as “very good or excellent,” below the department’s 50% target, and only 49% report top-tier mental health. Veteran employment outcomes are also lagging, with 56% employed versus a target of 70%.
The cuts come in a budget that otherwise commits to significant federal spending growth — $450 billion over the long term — and projects a $78.3 billion deficit, the largest outside the COVID-19 era. Veterans Affairs will receive one new investment: $184.9 million over four years to improve processing times for disability benefit applications.
The budget’s approach has sparked criticism over priorities, as other departments face much smaller reductions. Women and Gender Equality, Crown-Indigenous Relations, and several research-grant agencies were asked to cut only 2% of spending. The Department of Finance avoided firm reduction targets altogether, with plans to “rationalize back-office expenditures.”
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
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