🇨🇦 Canada’s Economy “Beats Expectations” — But the Fine Print Tells a Very Different Story
Canada’s headline GDP number for Q3 looked explosive: 2.6% annualized growth, far above the 0.5% most analysts projected.
But the moment you look under the hood, the shine wears off fast.
The bulk of the “surprise” comes from an 8.6% collapse in imports, the sharpest drop since 2022 — not from a confident, expanding economy. Exports rose only 0.7%, a tiny rebound after the massive 25% contraction last quarter. And even those export numbers rely on U.S. data still distorted by federal shutdown disruptions, meaning revisions are almost certain.
Economists called it what it is: “a very noisy report.” Growth that comes from importing less rather than producing more is hardly the sign of a healthy engine.
Outputs tell the same story. Manufacturing picked up modestly in September, goods-producing industries nudged higher, but the advance estimate for October already points to a 0.3% contraction.
Beneath the headlines, the fundamentals remain fragile:
• Household spending is soft.
• Business investment is weak.
• Tariffs from Washington continue to suppress trade flows.
• Interest rates sit just below neutral — not enough to ignite real momentum.
Economists warn that tariffs and broader uncertainty are likely to restrain growth for “a few quarters yet.” No more rate cuts are expected, but there’s no pressure to hike either — a sign of an economy drifting sideways rather than accelerating.
Yes, the top-line number beats forecasts.
No, it does not mean Canada has turned a corner.
It means Canada had a quarter where imports collapsed and the math produced a positive number.
And with October already flashing contraction, the turbulence isn’t over.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Canada’s headline GDP number for Q3 looked explosive: 2.6% annualized growth, far above the 0.5% most analysts projected.
But the moment you look under the hood, the shine wears off fast.
The bulk of the “surprise” comes from an 8.6% collapse in imports, the sharpest drop since 2022 — not from a confident, expanding economy. Exports rose only 0.7%, a tiny rebound after the massive 25% contraction last quarter. And even those export numbers rely on U.S. data still distorted by federal shutdown disruptions, meaning revisions are almost certain.
Economists called it what it is: “a very noisy report.” Growth that comes from importing less rather than producing more is hardly the sign of a healthy engine.
Outputs tell the same story. Manufacturing picked up modestly in September, goods-producing industries nudged higher, but the advance estimate for October already points to a 0.3% contraction.
Beneath the headlines, the fundamentals remain fragile:
• Household spending is soft.
• Business investment is weak.
• Tariffs from Washington continue to suppress trade flows.
• Interest rates sit just below neutral — not enough to ignite real momentum.
Economists warn that tariffs and broader uncertainty are likely to restrain growth for “a few quarters yet.” No more rate cuts are expected, but there’s no pressure to hike either — a sign of an economy drifting sideways rather than accelerating.
Yes, the top-line number beats forecasts.
No, it does not mean Canada has turned a corner.
It means Canada had a quarter where imports collapsed and the math produced a positive number.
And with October already flashing contraction, the turbulence isn’t over.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🔥3💩2🤡2
🇨🇦🛢️ Danielle Smith’s Pipeline Clears Another Major Hurdle — Now Comes the Hard Part: Who Will Actually Build It?
Alberta’s long-dreamed West Coast pipeline just took a major step forward after Premier Danielle Smith and Prime Minister Mark Carney signed a memorandum of understanding that cracks open federal environmental roadblocks, softens tanker restrictions, and creates a path — finally — to a new export route for Alberta crude.
But there’s one giant missing piece:
No company has stepped forward to build it.
Carney himself joked to a room full of executives that if anyone was ready to commit billions to a new line, they should “come see us afterwards.” Behind the humour is a blunt truth: Ottawa delivered its side of the bargain, and now the spotlight shifts entirely to Alberta to see if Smith can turn political momentum into concrete steel in the ground.
The MOU marks a dramatic political reversal. A year ago, no one would have bet that a federal government — any federal government — would loosen key environmental constraints to help Alberta move oil to tidewater. Yet here we are: exemptions to the tanker ban, easing of emissions caps, cooperation on nuclear and AI development, and a federal promise to help push the project through Canada’s notoriously suffocating regulatory maze.
Energy executives responded with standing ovations.
And yes — the room that once bristled at Ottawa’s environmental agenda is suddenly treating Carney like a returning hero.
But applause doesn’t build pipelines.
Right now, the proposed project has no proponent, no route, and no name. Alberta has assembled a technical advisory group, bringing in major players like Enbridge, South Bow, and Trans Mountain — but none have committed to being the builder. And given the Trans Mountain expansion’s cost explosion from $7.3 billion to more than $34 billion, no company is eager to sign up for another “blank cheque” megaproject.
Insiders say any private sponsor will want iron-clad financial protections from cost overruns outside their control — likely from Alberta, Ottawa, or both. Without that, the financial risk is simply too high.
And even with federal support, resistance remains. Political opposition in British Columbia persists. Certain First Nations along the coast have not been consulted. Environmental groups are preparing their legal artillery. And the regulatory gauntlet itself — even with expedited support — is still a years-long slog.
Meanwhile, Ottawa’s side of the bargain includes a quiet trade:
Carney expects the oilsands sector to finally green-light the Pathways Alliance carbon capture megaproject.
That project, which proposes a 400-kilometre carbon pipeline connecting 20 oilsands facilities to a storage hub near Cold Lake, has been stalled for years. The new MOU gives companies long-term carbon pricing certainty — something experts believe puts Pathways close to a final investment decision.
But that project too comes with its own opposition. Indigenous leaders near Cold Lake say they still haven’t received adequate safety assurances. Concerns about underground storage risks remain unresolved.
In other words: the deal unlocks the door — but Alberta still has to walk through it. Smith wanted a federal government ready to make big exceptions. She got them. Now industry and province must prove the pipeline isn’t just political theatre — but actually buildable, financeable, and legally survivable.
One former oilsands executive put it bluntly: “There’s too much money at stake for this not to happen.”
Maybe. But until a major company steps up and takes ownership, this pipeline is still a high-stakes question mark dressed as a breakthrough.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Alberta’s long-dreamed West Coast pipeline just took a major step forward after Premier Danielle Smith and Prime Minister Mark Carney signed a memorandum of understanding that cracks open federal environmental roadblocks, softens tanker restrictions, and creates a path — finally — to a new export route for Alberta crude.
But there’s one giant missing piece:
No company has stepped forward to build it.
Carney himself joked to a room full of executives that if anyone was ready to commit billions to a new line, they should “come see us afterwards.” Behind the humour is a blunt truth: Ottawa delivered its side of the bargain, and now the spotlight shifts entirely to Alberta to see if Smith can turn political momentum into concrete steel in the ground.
The MOU marks a dramatic political reversal. A year ago, no one would have bet that a federal government — any federal government — would loosen key environmental constraints to help Alberta move oil to tidewater. Yet here we are: exemptions to the tanker ban, easing of emissions caps, cooperation on nuclear and AI development, and a federal promise to help push the project through Canada’s notoriously suffocating regulatory maze.
Energy executives responded with standing ovations.
And yes — the room that once bristled at Ottawa’s environmental agenda is suddenly treating Carney like a returning hero.
But applause doesn’t build pipelines.
Right now, the proposed project has no proponent, no route, and no name. Alberta has assembled a technical advisory group, bringing in major players like Enbridge, South Bow, and Trans Mountain — but none have committed to being the builder. And given the Trans Mountain expansion’s cost explosion from $7.3 billion to more than $34 billion, no company is eager to sign up for another “blank cheque” megaproject.
Insiders say any private sponsor will want iron-clad financial protections from cost overruns outside their control — likely from Alberta, Ottawa, or both. Without that, the financial risk is simply too high.
And even with federal support, resistance remains. Political opposition in British Columbia persists. Certain First Nations along the coast have not been consulted. Environmental groups are preparing their legal artillery. And the regulatory gauntlet itself — even with expedited support — is still a years-long slog.
Meanwhile, Ottawa’s side of the bargain includes a quiet trade:
Carney expects the oilsands sector to finally green-light the Pathways Alliance carbon capture megaproject.
That project, which proposes a 400-kilometre carbon pipeline connecting 20 oilsands facilities to a storage hub near Cold Lake, has been stalled for years. The new MOU gives companies long-term carbon pricing certainty — something experts believe puts Pathways close to a final investment decision.
But that project too comes with its own opposition. Indigenous leaders near Cold Lake say they still haven’t received adequate safety assurances. Concerns about underground storage risks remain unresolved.
In other words: the deal unlocks the door — but Alberta still has to walk through it. Smith wanted a federal government ready to make big exceptions. She got them. Now industry and province must prove the pipeline isn’t just political theatre — but actually buildable, financeable, and legally survivable.
One former oilsands executive put it bluntly: “There’s too much money at stake for this not to happen.”
Maybe. But until a major company steps up and takes ownership, this pipeline is still a high-stakes question mark dressed as a breakthrough.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤔3👍1👎1💩1🤡1
🇨🇦📮 CANADIANS ASK: CAN WE STILL TRUST CANADA POST FOR THE HOLIDAYS?
With less than a month until Christmas, the country’s most stressed institution isn’t Santa — it’s Canada Post.
After two years of bitter bargaining, rotating strikes, and a Crown corporation openly signalling job cuts and service cuts, Canadians are facing the most basic question: Will packages actually arrive?
Yes, there’s a “deal in principle.” But that phrase is doing a lot of heavy lifting. Nothing is signed. Nothing is ratified. And the union still retains the legal right to walk out again if negotiations collapse. In other words: a holiday strike is still on the table.
Businesses have already voted with their feet. According to the Canadian Federation of Independent Business:
• 13% of SMEs stopped using Canada Post entirely after the 2024 strike.
• 55% now use it less often.
Retailers describe service as “spotty,” “unreliable,” and “too risky” for the Christmas crunch — many shifting to private couriers just to keep customers from revolting.
And ordinary Canadians aren’t feeling reassured either.
The Canada Post subreddit — now over 100,000 members — reads like a support group for frustrated workers and burned customers. Even with rotating strikes paused, trust hasn’t recovered.
So is it safe to mail cards and gifts?
For now, yes — mail is moving. But with tentative deals still being parsed “line by line,” nothing stops a breakdown from triggering renewed walkouts.
Shipping timelines — based on industry trackers — look roughly like this:
• Dec. 10 — National regular parcel cutoff
• Dec. 16 — Regional
• Dec. 19 — Local
• Dec. 19–23 — Cards & lettermail (approx.)
But even these estimates come with the same asterisk that now defines Canada Post: no guarantees.
Add to that the irony that many remote and Indigenous communities still rely exclusively on Canada Post — and even private couriers often hand the “last mile” back to the same struggling Crown corporation.
Canada Post warns delays can be caused by “acts of God,” volume surges, or labour disruptions.
This season, Canadians are quietly wondering if the real act of God will be just getting their parcels delivered on time.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
With less than a month until Christmas, the country’s most stressed institution isn’t Santa — it’s Canada Post.
After two years of bitter bargaining, rotating strikes, and a Crown corporation openly signalling job cuts and service cuts, Canadians are facing the most basic question: Will packages actually arrive?
Yes, there’s a “deal in principle.” But that phrase is doing a lot of heavy lifting. Nothing is signed. Nothing is ratified. And the union still retains the legal right to walk out again if negotiations collapse. In other words: a holiday strike is still on the table.
Businesses have already voted with their feet. According to the Canadian Federation of Independent Business:
• 13% of SMEs stopped using Canada Post entirely after the 2024 strike.
• 55% now use it less often.
Retailers describe service as “spotty,” “unreliable,” and “too risky” for the Christmas crunch — many shifting to private couriers just to keep customers from revolting.
And ordinary Canadians aren’t feeling reassured either.
The Canada Post subreddit — now over 100,000 members — reads like a support group for frustrated workers and burned customers. Even with rotating strikes paused, trust hasn’t recovered.
So is it safe to mail cards and gifts?
For now, yes — mail is moving. But with tentative deals still being parsed “line by line,” nothing stops a breakdown from triggering renewed walkouts.
Shipping timelines — based on industry trackers — look roughly like this:
• Dec. 10 — National regular parcel cutoff
• Dec. 16 — Regional
• Dec. 19 — Local
• Dec. 19–23 — Cards & lettermail (approx.)
But even these estimates come with the same asterisk that now defines Canada Post: no guarantees.
Add to that the irony that many remote and Indigenous communities still rely exclusively on Canada Post — and even private couriers often hand the “last mile” back to the same struggling Crown corporation.
Canada Post warns delays can be caused by “acts of God,” volume surges, or labour disruptions.
This season, Canadians are quietly wondering if the real act of God will be just getting their parcels delivered on time.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
💯2👎1
🇨🇦 Alberta’s UCP Heads Into a Volatile Weekend — Unity vs. Separatism, and the Party’s Future at Stake
This weekend’s UCP AGM in Edmonton isn’t just routine housekeeping — it’s a fault line running straight through Alberta’s ruling party.
For the first time in years, factional lines are being drawn in the open:
pro-unity vs. pro-independence, with curated voting lists circulating across whisper networks and online channels to help members pick sides.
Premier Danielle Smith hoped her breakthrough pipeline agreement with Ottawa would calm the waters. Instead, the reaction inside the room was described as lukewarm. The grassroots aren’t celebrating — they’re circling.
The stakes are enormous.
A board captured by separatist activists won’t topple the cabinet tomorrow — but it will reshape candidate selection, party priorities, nomination battles, and ultimately the direction of the next election campaign. The wrong outcome could set off a chain reaction the UCP can’t control.
The fault line is already clear:
• Rob Smith, running for re-election as party president, acknowledges independence sentiment exists but insists the party should only act “if the majority of Albertans have spoken.”
• His challenger, Darrell Komick, has been hosting one-way secession town halls and wants the party to embed independence into its internal conversations.
Separatist organizers — including prominent movement figures — are openly pushing to elect a board “100% in favour of independence.”
But the danger is obvious:
Push too hard toward separation, and the moderates walk — handing the province back to the NDP.
Ignore the separatist faction, and they split the party themselves — with the same result.
This is the UCP’s recurring curse: stepping on political rakes of its own making.
• A sovereignty act that looked bold on paper but delivered little.
• A pension proposal sold on unrealistic numbers and abandoned under public pressure.
• A recall mechanism celebrated as grassroots empowerment — now turned on its creators, with 14 UCP MLAs facing active petitions.
Now comes the hardest test:
A fight over independence that could fracture the party from the inside out.
If the new board leans too far into separatism, Alberta moves from governing challenges to existential ones — the kind that split movements, not strengthen them.
If cooler heads prevail, the UCP lives to fight another day.
If not? The NDP doesn’t need to win — the UCP will defeat itself.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
This weekend’s UCP AGM in Edmonton isn’t just routine housekeeping — it’s a fault line running straight through Alberta’s ruling party.
For the first time in years, factional lines are being drawn in the open:
pro-unity vs. pro-independence, with curated voting lists circulating across whisper networks and online channels to help members pick sides.
Premier Danielle Smith hoped her breakthrough pipeline agreement with Ottawa would calm the waters. Instead, the reaction inside the room was described as lukewarm. The grassroots aren’t celebrating — they’re circling.
The stakes are enormous.
A board captured by separatist activists won’t topple the cabinet tomorrow — but it will reshape candidate selection, party priorities, nomination battles, and ultimately the direction of the next election campaign. The wrong outcome could set off a chain reaction the UCP can’t control.
The fault line is already clear:
• Rob Smith, running for re-election as party president, acknowledges independence sentiment exists but insists the party should only act “if the majority of Albertans have spoken.”
• His challenger, Darrell Komick, has been hosting one-way secession town halls and wants the party to embed independence into its internal conversations.
Separatist organizers — including prominent movement figures — are openly pushing to elect a board “100% in favour of independence.”
But the danger is obvious:
Push too hard toward separation, and the moderates walk — handing the province back to the NDP.
Ignore the separatist faction, and they split the party themselves — with the same result.
This is the UCP’s recurring curse: stepping on political rakes of its own making.
• A sovereignty act that looked bold on paper but delivered little.
• A pension proposal sold on unrealistic numbers and abandoned under public pressure.
• A recall mechanism celebrated as grassroots empowerment — now turned on its creators, with 14 UCP MLAs facing active petitions.
Now comes the hardest test:
A fight over independence that could fracture the party from the inside out.
If the new board leans too far into separatism, Alberta moves from governing challenges to existential ones — the kind that split movements, not strengthen them.
If cooler heads prevail, the UCP lives to fight another day.
If not? The NDP doesn’t need to win — the UCP will defeat itself.
#Alberta
🍁 Maple Chronicles
❤3🤡2👍1💩1😈1
TTC Employee Stabbed at Dundas Station — Suspect in Custody
A TTC employee was stabbed inside Dundas Station just after 1:10 p.m., Wednesday leaving both the victim and the suspect with serious but non-life-threatening injuries. Toronto Police say the suspect was arrested on scene, and both individuals were transported to hospital.
The attack triggered a large police presence in and around the station as officers secured the area and launched an investigation. Trains bypassed Dundas Station for several hours before regular service resumed later in the evening.
TTC CEO Mandeep Lali called the stabbing “an unacceptable act against someone dedicated to serving our customers and our city,” adding that the agency is “deeply disturbed” by the incident.
The stabbing comes on the same day Toronto Police announced expanded patrols on Line 1 — including dedicated officers between Union–Wellesley and Bloor–Eglinton — in response to rising violence on the transit system. Police say these new patrols, along with prioritized coverage at major hubs, are intended to restore rider confidence.
The TTC employee, a customer service agent, was stabbed in the arm and is receiving emergency medical care, according to ATU Local 113.
Violence on the TTC has been increasing across major Canadian cities, prompting calls from unions and community groups for a zero-tolerance approach to attacks on transit workers.
#Ontario
🍁 Maple Chronicles
A TTC employee was stabbed inside Dundas Station just after 1:10 p.m., Wednesday leaving both the victim and the suspect with serious but non-life-threatening injuries. Toronto Police say the suspect was arrested on scene, and both individuals were transported to hospital.
The attack triggered a large police presence in and around the station as officers secured the area and launched an investigation. Trains bypassed Dundas Station for several hours before regular service resumed later in the evening.
TTC CEO Mandeep Lali called the stabbing “an unacceptable act against someone dedicated to serving our customers and our city,” adding that the agency is “deeply disturbed” by the incident.
The stabbing comes on the same day Toronto Police announced expanded patrols on Line 1 — including dedicated officers between Union–Wellesley and Bloor–Eglinton — in response to rising violence on the transit system. Police say these new patrols, along with prioritized coverage at major hubs, are intended to restore rider confidence.
The TTC employee, a customer service agent, was stabbed in the arm and is receiving emergency medical care, according to ATU Local 113.
Violence on the TTC has been increasing across major Canadian cities, prompting calls from unions and community groups for a zero-tolerance approach to attacks on transit workers.
#Ontario
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🌚5
🇨🇦🛢️Federal Energy Minister Apologizes for “Poor Choice of Words” After Dismissing First Nations Meeting Concerns
Federal Energy Minister Tim Hodgson says he has apologized to Coastal First Nations after brushing off concerns about a proposed meeting, calling his earlier remarks “a poor choice of words.”
The issue erupted after Hodgson invited the alliance of nine First Nations — all opposed to a bitumen pipeline to the northern B.C. coast — to meet on Friday. Coastal First Nations president Marilyn Slett said the timing and location made in-person attendance impossible.
Hodgson, when asked about it, responded: “It’s called Zoom.”
The remark drew swift criticism, particularly as the Ottawa-Alberta pipeline agreement has already sparked tensions over a lack of consultation with B.C.’s coastal nations.
Roughly 24 hours later, Hodgson issued a public apology, saying he regretted the comment and had reached out directly to the group. He added that he now looks forward to an in-person meeting at their convenience, saying he would “happily make the trip.”
The exchange adds to an already volatile political moment, coming just one day after former climate minister Steven Guilbeault resigned from cabinet in protest over the pipeline deal.
#BC
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Federal Energy Minister Tim Hodgson says he has apologized to Coastal First Nations after brushing off concerns about a proposed meeting, calling his earlier remarks “a poor choice of words.”
The issue erupted after Hodgson invited the alliance of nine First Nations — all opposed to a bitumen pipeline to the northern B.C. coast — to meet on Friday. Coastal First Nations president Marilyn Slett said the timing and location made in-person attendance impossible.
Hodgson, when asked about it, responded: “It’s called Zoom.”
The remark drew swift criticism, particularly as the Ottawa-Alberta pipeline agreement has already sparked tensions over a lack of consultation with B.C.’s coastal nations.
Roughly 24 hours later, Hodgson issued a public apology, saying he regretted the comment and had reached out directly to the group. He added that he now looks forward to an in-person meeting at their convenience, saying he would “happily make the trip.”
The exchange adds to an already volatile political moment, coming just one day after former climate minister Steven Guilbeault resigned from cabinet in protest over the pipeline deal.
#BC
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡3
🇨🇦 Holiday Shopping: Is the ‘Buy Canadian’ Wave Fading — or Just Changing?
As the holiday rush begins, new data suggests Canada’s “Buy Canadian” movement — which surged earlier this year during the trade war and Trump’s annexation threats — may be losing some momentum.
Statistics Canada reports nearly 70% of businesses say they haven’t seen an increase in sales of Canadian-made goods over the past six months. Only 13% reported an uptick. Economists point to inflation, softer consumer spending, and lower U.S. tariffs as factors pushing shoppers back toward cheaper imports.
A Bank of Canada survey found most consumers aren’t willing to pay more than an extra 10% for a Canadian-made product.
But the picture isn’t uniform.
Some Canadian retailers say demand hasn’t slowed at all.
• Province of Canada, a clothing brand, says its monthly sales have nearly doubled all year, forcing them to almost double staff.
• Shop Makers, which sells Canadian artisan products, opened seven new stores this year and reports 20–40% monthly sales growth compared to 2024.
Still, owners acknowledge price pressure: Canadian-made goods often cost more, and many shoppers are comparing them against cheaper online options.
A BDC survey offers a more optimistic read: Canadian households are expected to spend an average of $943 on gifts this season — and 59% of that, or $553, is forecast to go toward local products and services. Nearly half of Canadians say they plan to increase their spending on Canadian goods.
BDC estimates that if Canadians redirect just $100 of existing holiday budgets toward local products, it would inject $13 billion into the national economy.
Shoppers interviewed recently echoed the divide: some say they will “vote with their wallets” to support Canadian businesses, while others admit price will ultimately decide what goes under the tree.
The holiday season will reveal which impulse wins.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
As the holiday rush begins, new data suggests Canada’s “Buy Canadian” movement — which surged earlier this year during the trade war and Trump’s annexation threats — may be losing some momentum.
Statistics Canada reports nearly 70% of businesses say they haven’t seen an increase in sales of Canadian-made goods over the past six months. Only 13% reported an uptick. Economists point to inflation, softer consumer spending, and lower U.S. tariffs as factors pushing shoppers back toward cheaper imports.
A Bank of Canada survey found most consumers aren’t willing to pay more than an extra 10% for a Canadian-made product.
But the picture isn’t uniform.
Some Canadian retailers say demand hasn’t slowed at all.
• Province of Canada, a clothing brand, says its monthly sales have nearly doubled all year, forcing them to almost double staff.
• Shop Makers, which sells Canadian artisan products, opened seven new stores this year and reports 20–40% monthly sales growth compared to 2024.
Still, owners acknowledge price pressure: Canadian-made goods often cost more, and many shoppers are comparing them against cheaper online options.
A BDC survey offers a more optimistic read: Canadian households are expected to spend an average of $943 on gifts this season — and 59% of that, or $553, is forecast to go toward local products and services. Nearly half of Canadians say they plan to increase their spending on Canadian goods.
BDC estimates that if Canadians redirect just $100 of existing holiday budgets toward local products, it would inject $13 billion into the national economy.
Shoppers interviewed recently echoed the divide: some say they will “vote with their wallets” to support Canadian businesses, while others admit price will ultimately decide what goes under the tree.
The holiday season will reveal which impulse wins.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
❤1
🇨🇦🦄The CRTC’s Top-Down Diversity Mandate Is Coming for Big Streaming — and It Won’t Stop at Data Collection
Where bureaucrats collect demographic data, quotas inevitably follow. That’s why alarm bells are ringing after the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission quietly ordered Netflix, Amazon, Disney+, Paramount+, and every major online streamer operating in Canada to begin reporting diversity statistics on their creative teams.
The requirement is buried near the end of the CRTC’s new Canadian-content policy released earlier this month. Broadcasters must now track whether key creative personnel are “racialized,” disabled, 2SLGBTQI+, or women. On paper it looks like nauseating compliance. In reality, it’s the next step in Ottawa’s long march toward identity-based quotas in every corner of the media ecosystem.
This didn’t come from nowhere. Bill C-11 — the government’s controversial Online Streaming Act — rewrote the Broadcasting Act in 2023 to explicitly embed DEI priorities into law. The system must now “reflect” the aspirations of every listed identity group, from racial categories to gender identities to special linguistic and ethnocultural designations. That language is now being used to justify demographic tracking, DEI-tied funding formulas, and, inevitably, production quotas.
The CRTC points to existing precedents as justification. Traditional broadcasters already file gender statistics for key roles, and must track spending on Indigenous and official-language minority producers. The regulator now calls those efforts a “success” — and says it’s time to expand them across all “equity-deserving groups.” Netflix and Amazon will now be expected to file the same identity breakdowns CBC and CTV were forced to adopt decades ago.
For now, the CRTC insists this is merely “data collection.” But we’ve already seen where this leads. In 2022, the CRTC ordered CBC’s English-language division to dedicate 30% of its commissioned programming budget to “diverse” production teams. Last year, it imposed a 5% levy on streaming giants, redirecting that money to Canadian industry groups whose missions explicitly include DEI enforcement. In July, it adjusted its online-news funding formulas to incentivize coverage of “diverse communities.” Every new rule builds on the last, nudging Canada’s media landscape toward top-down identity management.
This is how bureaucratic ideology becomes institutional doctrine. What began two decades ago as voluntary “cultural diversity reports” — subjective summaries of programs that happened to feature minority stories — has morphed into mandatory demographic audits and spending quotas. What was once a gentle encouragement has hardened into a regulatory expectation: diversity must be measured, monitored, and engineered.
Worse, the CRTC is already working on a full diversity framework for 2026–27 that will outline specific mechanisms to enforce its interpretation of the Broadcasting Act. Consultations have already probed “barriers” to greater representation, how to police “cultural appropriation,” and how broadcasters should correct “misrepresentation.” In other words, the regulator is preparing to embed ideological compliance into licensing and funding decisions — all before any formal plan has even been drafted.
And they aren’t waiting to wield that power. Recent CRTC approvals — from Quebecor Media restructuring to ownership transfers of local radio stations — now include explicit language reminding licensees they are expected to reflect DEI priorities in programming and employment, even in the absence of a final framework. The message is clear: obey the ideology now; the formal rules will arrive later.
This can be reversed. But the longer it continues, the deeper the ideological scaffolding becomes. And based on the CRTC’s trajectory, it’s going to get significantly worse before Canada gets its media independence back.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Where bureaucrats collect demographic data, quotas inevitably follow. That’s why alarm bells are ringing after the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission quietly ordered Netflix, Amazon, Disney+, Paramount+, and every major online streamer operating in Canada to begin reporting diversity statistics on their creative teams.
The requirement is buried near the end of the CRTC’s new Canadian-content policy released earlier this month. Broadcasters must now track whether key creative personnel are “racialized,” disabled, 2SLGBTQI+, or women. On paper it looks like nauseating compliance. In reality, it’s the next step in Ottawa’s long march toward identity-based quotas in every corner of the media ecosystem.
This didn’t come from nowhere. Bill C-11 — the government’s controversial Online Streaming Act — rewrote the Broadcasting Act in 2023 to explicitly embed DEI priorities into law. The system must now “reflect” the aspirations of every listed identity group, from racial categories to gender identities to special linguistic and ethnocultural designations. That language is now being used to justify demographic tracking, DEI-tied funding formulas, and, inevitably, production quotas.
The CRTC points to existing precedents as justification. Traditional broadcasters already file gender statistics for key roles, and must track spending on Indigenous and official-language minority producers. The regulator now calls those efforts a “success” — and says it’s time to expand them across all “equity-deserving groups.” Netflix and Amazon will now be expected to file the same identity breakdowns CBC and CTV were forced to adopt decades ago.
For now, the CRTC insists this is merely “data collection.” But we’ve already seen where this leads. In 2022, the CRTC ordered CBC’s English-language division to dedicate 30% of its commissioned programming budget to “diverse” production teams. Last year, it imposed a 5% levy on streaming giants, redirecting that money to Canadian industry groups whose missions explicitly include DEI enforcement. In July, it adjusted its online-news funding formulas to incentivize coverage of “diverse communities.” Every new rule builds on the last, nudging Canada’s media landscape toward top-down identity management.
This is how bureaucratic ideology becomes institutional doctrine. What began two decades ago as voluntary “cultural diversity reports” — subjective summaries of programs that happened to feature minority stories — has morphed into mandatory demographic audits and spending quotas. What was once a gentle encouragement has hardened into a regulatory expectation: diversity must be measured, monitored, and engineered.
Worse, the CRTC is already working on a full diversity framework for 2026–27 that will outline specific mechanisms to enforce its interpretation of the Broadcasting Act. Consultations have already probed “barriers” to greater representation, how to police “cultural appropriation,” and how broadcasters should correct “misrepresentation.” In other words, the regulator is preparing to embed ideological compliance into licensing and funding decisions — all before any formal plan has even been drafted.
And they aren’t waiting to wield that power. Recent CRTC approvals — from Quebecor Media restructuring to ownership transfers of local radio stations — now include explicit language reminding licensees they are expected to reflect DEI priorities in programming and employment, even in the absence of a final framework. The message is clear: obey the ideology now; the formal rules will arrive later.
This can be reversed. But the longer it continues, the deeper the ideological scaffolding becomes. And based on the CRTC’s trajectory, it’s going to get significantly worse before Canada gets its media independence back.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤮9
🇨🇦 The Brutal Irony: Canada’s Tech Success Story Is a Guy Who Came Here Before the Bureaucracy Took Over
Ottawa says Canada is “leading the global tech race,” but when your own top tech founder calls the government’s strategy toxic, the spin collapses instantly. Tobias Lütke didn’t mince words: bribing foreign companies with taxpayer money doesn’t create a tech ecosystem — it smothers the one we already have. Yet Ottawa celebrated its newest “success” anyway, spending $72 million in public funds to buy 340 jobs for Nokia. Not innovation — just a government purchasing the illusion of progress, subsidizing a foreign giant that will ship the real benefits to shareholders abroad.
The math is the indictment: $200,000 per job. That’s not economic leadership. That’s corporate welfare at a level that would get a developing nation mocked, let alone a G7 country desperate to look relevant. Lütke is right — these subsidies let foreign firms operate at a discount against Canadian companies, siphoning talent, depressing wages, and ensuring that the wealth generated by subsidized labour flows out of Canada. Ottawa isn’t building a tech ecosystem; it’s funding an exit ramp for Canada’s remaining competitive advantages.
Meanwhile, the actual numbers — the ones Joly won’t mention — tell the story. Canada ranks 17th globally for innovation, 13th for inputs, 20th for outputs. Patent filings by Canadians have fallen over the past decade. VC deals are down nearly 10 per cent year-over-year. And not a single Canadian city appears in the top 10 global innovation hubs — not Toronto, not Vancouver, not Montreal. The world’s serious tech powerhouses are building ecosystems around deep capital, fast regulation, competitive taxes and aggressive IP culture. Canada is building press releases and handing out subsidies like participation trophies.
The talent problem reveals the rest. Canada can attract talent, grow it, even enable it — but it can’t retain it. Engineers look south because the salaries are better, taxes are lower, opportunities are wider, and housing doesn’t require a lottery win. Red tape chokes start-ups, capital gains rules punish ambition, and major cities have priced out young professionals entirely. Ottawa talks about innovation, but delivers precisely the environment that kills it. Our best people don’t leave because they want to — they leave because staying makes no economic sense.
And the cruel irony is that Lütke himself — the Canadian success story politicians love to cite — is a product of a Canada that no longer exists. He built Shopify in an era before Ottawa turned industrial strategy into a subsidy machine, before bureaucrats equated innovation with checklists and DEI audits, before capital gains became a weapon against entrepreneurship. Shopify emerged from an ecosystem that allowed risk, speed, and experimentation. Today’s environment punishes exactly those traits. The country that produced Shopify couldn’t produce it now.
His warning is blunt: subsidizing foreign tech firms drains Canadian talent into foreign-controlled branch offices where the patents, wealth, and competitive advantage flow overseas. Canada pays the bill; someone else gets the return. It’s economic self-sabotage — and the government celebrates it because it looks good in a headline. Lütke is explaining to Ottawa something every serious economist already knows: you can’t buy your way into a tech future. You can only create the conditions where one might emerge.
If Canada wants a real tech sector, it doesn’t need to write bigger cheques to foreign multinationals. It needs predictable taxes, sane capital gains rules, less ideological bureaucracy, faster permits, cheaper cities, and the humility to stop distorting markets for political optics. Because until then, the global tech race will remain what it has become: a competition Canada thinks it can win with announcements instead of achievement.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Ottawa says Canada is “leading the global tech race,” but when your own top tech founder calls the government’s strategy toxic, the spin collapses instantly. Tobias Lütke didn’t mince words: bribing foreign companies with taxpayer money doesn’t create a tech ecosystem — it smothers the one we already have. Yet Ottawa celebrated its newest “success” anyway, spending $72 million in public funds to buy 340 jobs for Nokia. Not innovation — just a government purchasing the illusion of progress, subsidizing a foreign giant that will ship the real benefits to shareholders abroad.
The math is the indictment: $200,000 per job. That’s not economic leadership. That’s corporate welfare at a level that would get a developing nation mocked, let alone a G7 country desperate to look relevant. Lütke is right — these subsidies let foreign firms operate at a discount against Canadian companies, siphoning talent, depressing wages, and ensuring that the wealth generated by subsidized labour flows out of Canada. Ottawa isn’t building a tech ecosystem; it’s funding an exit ramp for Canada’s remaining competitive advantages.
Meanwhile, the actual numbers — the ones Joly won’t mention — tell the story. Canada ranks 17th globally for innovation, 13th for inputs, 20th for outputs. Patent filings by Canadians have fallen over the past decade. VC deals are down nearly 10 per cent year-over-year. And not a single Canadian city appears in the top 10 global innovation hubs — not Toronto, not Vancouver, not Montreal. The world’s serious tech powerhouses are building ecosystems around deep capital, fast regulation, competitive taxes and aggressive IP culture. Canada is building press releases and handing out subsidies like participation trophies.
The talent problem reveals the rest. Canada can attract talent, grow it, even enable it — but it can’t retain it. Engineers look south because the salaries are better, taxes are lower, opportunities are wider, and housing doesn’t require a lottery win. Red tape chokes start-ups, capital gains rules punish ambition, and major cities have priced out young professionals entirely. Ottawa talks about innovation, but delivers precisely the environment that kills it. Our best people don’t leave because they want to — they leave because staying makes no economic sense.
And the cruel irony is that Lütke himself — the Canadian success story politicians love to cite — is a product of a Canada that no longer exists. He built Shopify in an era before Ottawa turned industrial strategy into a subsidy machine, before bureaucrats equated innovation with checklists and DEI audits, before capital gains became a weapon against entrepreneurship. Shopify emerged from an ecosystem that allowed risk, speed, and experimentation. Today’s environment punishes exactly those traits. The country that produced Shopify couldn’t produce it now.
His warning is blunt: subsidizing foreign tech firms drains Canadian talent into foreign-controlled branch offices where the patents, wealth, and competitive advantage flow overseas. Canada pays the bill; someone else gets the return. It’s economic self-sabotage — and the government celebrates it because it looks good in a headline. Lütke is explaining to Ottawa something every serious economist already knows: you can’t buy your way into a tech future. You can only create the conditions where one might emerge.
If Canada wants a real tech sector, it doesn’t need to write bigger cheques to foreign multinationals. It needs predictable taxes, sane capital gains rules, less ideological bureaucracy, faster permits, cheaper cities, and the humility to stop distorting markets for political optics. Because until then, the global tech race will remain what it has become: a competition Canada thinks it can win with announcements instead of achievement.
#Canada
🍁 Maple Chronicles
👍10🤡2❤1
🇨🇦🇺🇸 These U.S. companies moved to Canada. Will there be others?
A few years ago, the story was one-way traffic: U.S. companies pulling investment out of Canada. Now, in the middle of a messy trade war and shifting political winds in Washington, a few American firms are quietly heading north — each for different reasons, but all pointing to the same trend: instability south of the border is starting to reshape business decisions.
The oldest brewing school in the Americas — the Siebel Institute, founded in 1872 — is leaving Chicago after 154 years and relocating to Montreal. The school says U.S. visa restrictions and research cuts have made it far harder for its majority-international student base to study in person. Canada isn’t exactly issuing student visas like it used to either, but the contrast with U.S. policy was enough to push the move. One official put it bluntly: foreign students don’t want to risk being “rounded up in the street by ICE.” The shift to Montreal is an attempt to protect their pipeline of talent from U.S. volatility.
A Minnesota-based liqueur maker, Phillips Distilling — the company behind Sour Puss — has also shifted production to Montreal. With roughly 98% of its sales coming from Canada and several provinces pulling U.S.-made alcohol from shelves during the tariff fight, the company decided it no longer made sense to manufacture in the States. Now its bottles are produced in the city’s east end, closer to its real market.
Meanwhile in Alberta, a major U.S. carbon-capture project quietly abandoned its Arizona plans after the U.S. Energy Department shut down billions in clean-energy incentives earlier this year. The firm behind the technology has rebooted the project in Innisfail, partnering with a Canadian company and pointing directly to “political instability” in Washington as the reason. Ottawa’s regulatory and financing environment for direct air capture — at least for now — is seen as more predictable.
Not all of this is about Trump. Biden’s trillion-dollar Inflation Reduction Act pulled huge investments into the U.S. too, and Trump’s tariffs are just the latest swing in a decade of U.S. economic nationalism. The structural trend — political volatility and rapid policy reversals in Washington — has been building since the 2008 financial crisis.
Will more companies follow? That’s less clear. These moves are still symbolic compared to the scale of firms that have shifted investment out of Canada. But they hint at a broader pattern forming: companies relocating closer to their customer base, or toward jurisdictions with stable energy rules, consistent visa policies, or a calmer political climate. In a world breaking away from deep globalization, proximity and stability suddenly matter again.
And Canada — sitting on one of the world’s richest natural resource endowments, deeply plugged into East Asia’s demand cycle, and still offering a more predictable regulatory environment than the U.S. — may end up pulling in more of these strategic relocations as global trade continues to fracture.
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
A few years ago, the story was one-way traffic: U.S. companies pulling investment out of Canada. Now, in the middle of a messy trade war and shifting political winds in Washington, a few American firms are quietly heading north — each for different reasons, but all pointing to the same trend: instability south of the border is starting to reshape business decisions.
The oldest brewing school in the Americas — the Siebel Institute, founded in 1872 — is leaving Chicago after 154 years and relocating to Montreal. The school says U.S. visa restrictions and research cuts have made it far harder for its majority-international student base to study in person. Canada isn’t exactly issuing student visas like it used to either, but the contrast with U.S. policy was enough to push the move. One official put it bluntly: foreign students don’t want to risk being “rounded up in the street by ICE.” The shift to Montreal is an attempt to protect their pipeline of talent from U.S. volatility.
A Minnesota-based liqueur maker, Phillips Distilling — the company behind Sour Puss — has also shifted production to Montreal. With roughly 98% of its sales coming from Canada and several provinces pulling U.S.-made alcohol from shelves during the tariff fight, the company decided it no longer made sense to manufacture in the States. Now its bottles are produced in the city’s east end, closer to its real market.
Meanwhile in Alberta, a major U.S. carbon-capture project quietly abandoned its Arizona plans after the U.S. Energy Department shut down billions in clean-energy incentives earlier this year. The firm behind the technology has rebooted the project in Innisfail, partnering with a Canadian company and pointing directly to “political instability” in Washington as the reason. Ottawa’s regulatory and financing environment for direct air capture — at least for now — is seen as more predictable.
Not all of this is about Trump. Biden’s trillion-dollar Inflation Reduction Act pulled huge investments into the U.S. too, and Trump’s tariffs are just the latest swing in a decade of U.S. economic nationalism. The structural trend — political volatility and rapid policy reversals in Washington — has been building since the 2008 financial crisis.
Will more companies follow? That’s less clear. These moves are still symbolic compared to the scale of firms that have shifted investment out of Canada. But they hint at a broader pattern forming: companies relocating closer to their customer base, or toward jurisdictions with stable energy rules, consistent visa policies, or a calmer political climate. In a world breaking away from deep globalization, proximity and stability suddenly matter again.
And Canada — sitting on one of the world’s richest natural resource endowments, deeply plugged into East Asia’s demand cycle, and still offering a more predictable regulatory environment than the U.S. — may end up pulling in more of these strategic relocations as global trade continues to fracture.
#Canada #USA
🍁 Maple Chronicles
🤡9👎3🔥3❤2
Ottawa’s Own Memo Undercuts Claims Mi’kmaw Lobster Fishing Threatens Stocks
Mi’kmaw lobster fisher Matthew Cope is fighting federal charges for doing exactly what the Supreme Court affirmed 25 years ago: exercising a treaty right to fish for a “moderate livelihood.” He wants his children to inherit that right, not a criminal record. Yet instead of clarity, Mi’kmaw fishers continue to face surveillance, seizures, and a regulatory system built around commercial norms rather than treaty obligations.
Commercial lobbyists have spent years framing rights-based fishing as a threat to lobster stocks — a claim that resurfaces every summer. But a confidential federal memo sent to the minister in June directly contradicts this narrative. The memo acknowledges some Food, Social, Ceremonial (FSC) catch and untagged lobster is being sold, but concludes that this activity is not threatening the species or the commercial fishery.
Ottawa’s science is unequivocal: lobster populations across the Maritimes remain in the healthy zone, and declines in catch-per-unit-effort in certain areas are not linked to Mi’kmaw fishing. Even in LFA 34 — the most valuable lobster zone in Canada — Mi’kmaw rights-based harvests make up a tiny fraction of total landings. Some communities are licensed for as few as five traps per day, compared to 375–400 traps for a single commercial licence.
Despite the data, commercial organizations continue to escalate. They’ve deployed drones, hidden cameras, and even private investigators to track Mi’kmaw harvesters. They insist the issue is conservation, yet insiders from the lobster trade admit the overwhelming majority of under-the-table sales historically involved non-Indigenous commercial fishers, not Mi’kmaw rights holders.
For many Mi’kmaw families, the real problem isn’t conservation — it’s the lack of a legal avenue to report and sell their catch without being treated as criminals. Cope himself says he would file every pound “on the books” if the federal system recognized the treaty framework the courts already upheld. Instead, he’s fencing his property and watching officers fly drones over his home.
At its core, this isn’t a biological issue. It’s a political one. The memo shows that Ottawa knows the stock is healthy, knows Mi’kmaw harvesting isn’t the driver of declines, and knows rights-based fishing represents a sliver of total effort. What remains unresolved is whether federal regulators are willing to share power and co-manage the fishery as the treaties envisioned.
Until that happens, fear will continue to fill the gaps where science and constitutional law should speak clearly. The lobster are healthy. The rights are real. And the path forward depends on whether Canada honours both.
#Novascotia
🍁 Maple Chronicles
Mi’kmaw lobster fisher Matthew Cope is fighting federal charges for doing exactly what the Supreme Court affirmed 25 years ago: exercising a treaty right to fish for a “moderate livelihood.” He wants his children to inherit that right, not a criminal record. Yet instead of clarity, Mi’kmaw fishers continue to face surveillance, seizures, and a regulatory system built around commercial norms rather than treaty obligations.
Commercial lobbyists have spent years framing rights-based fishing as a threat to lobster stocks — a claim that resurfaces every summer. But a confidential federal memo sent to the minister in June directly contradicts this narrative. The memo acknowledges some Food, Social, Ceremonial (FSC) catch and untagged lobster is being sold, but concludes that this activity is not threatening the species or the commercial fishery.
Ottawa’s science is unequivocal: lobster populations across the Maritimes remain in the healthy zone, and declines in catch-per-unit-effort in certain areas are not linked to Mi’kmaw fishing. Even in LFA 34 — the most valuable lobster zone in Canada — Mi’kmaw rights-based harvests make up a tiny fraction of total landings. Some communities are licensed for as few as five traps per day, compared to 375–400 traps for a single commercial licence.
Despite the data, commercial organizations continue to escalate. They’ve deployed drones, hidden cameras, and even private investigators to track Mi’kmaw harvesters. They insist the issue is conservation, yet insiders from the lobster trade admit the overwhelming majority of under-the-table sales historically involved non-Indigenous commercial fishers, not Mi’kmaw rights holders.
For many Mi’kmaw families, the real problem isn’t conservation — it’s the lack of a legal avenue to report and sell their catch without being treated as criminals. Cope himself says he would file every pound “on the books” if the federal system recognized the treaty framework the courts already upheld. Instead, he’s fencing his property and watching officers fly drones over his home.
At its core, this isn’t a biological issue. It’s a political one. The memo shows that Ottawa knows the stock is healthy, knows Mi’kmaw harvesting isn’t the driver of declines, and knows rights-based fishing represents a sliver of total effort. What remains unresolved is whether federal regulators are willing to share power and co-manage the fishery as the treaties envisioned.
Until that happens, fear will continue to fill the gaps where science and constitutional law should speak clearly. The lobster are healthy. The rights are real. And the path forward depends on whether Canada honours both.
#Novascotia
🍁 Maple Chronicles
❤5