SOLARIA BINARIA
PART ONE: ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BINARY SYSTEM
CHAPTER ONE: THE SOLAR SYSTEM AS A BINARY

Contrary to the hypothesis that the Solar System was born as and has evolved as a single star system, it is here claimed that the Solar System was and is a binary system. The binary system was formed when the primitive Sun fissioned. Several planets were generated in the neck of the fissioning pair and co-revolved about the Sun synchronously with the companion (see Figure 1).

The remaining planets were generated, one or more at a time, in several episodes, as the companion became unstable because of a changing galactic environment which we will discuss in Chapter Three.

The binary system rotates like a lopsided dumb-bell as it moves through galactic space. The Sun orbits about the planets and the companion as they also orbit about the Sun. To be precise, all bodies in the system orbit about its center of motion with the same period.

Jupiter can be taken to be the remnant binary partner [1] . This => quantavolutionary [2] conception of a rapidly developed solar binary system is consonant with observations of nearby star systems. To seventeen light-years, or about one hundred million times the Earth-Sun distance of 150 => gigameters, there are forty-five star systems consisting of sixty stars and seven dark => unseen bodies. Among these are many => physical binary systems.

Sixty-one percent of the sixty nearest stars are components of a double or triple star system. Inasmuch as we cannot judge the organization of distant star systems, this statistic may or may not characterize the starry Universe. Even within our sample of sixty nearby stars, the star density and the binary frequency drop with increasing distance (van de Kamp 1971, p109), a suspicious fact.

Nothing that we know of the Sun is exclusively a property of a single star system or would be surprising if found in a => double star system.

On the average the => principals in a physical binary system are separated by approximately 18 => astronomical units. At one extreme, separations of up to twelve thousand astronomical units are deduced; at the other, the stars orbit one another with their surfaces in contact (see Technical note D).

We see Solaria Binaria as a double star system evolving from the close extreme to a system showing increasing separation of the principals with time.

The typical => visual binary system that has been analyzed contains principals whose separations, periods, total masses, and orbital shapes are not markedly different form the Sun coupled with any one of the major planets of the present Solar system (Note D). The present Solar System differs from other visual binaries only when the => luminosity and mass rations of the principals are considered. The observed features of visual binary systems are not an inconsistent final state for a physical binary system evolving in the manner that will be proposed here for Solaria Binaria.

The present mass ratio between the Sun and its planets would seem inconsistent with observed binary systems were it not for the fact that these latter are all visually observed and do not exclude the potential presence of binaries where the minor principal is undetectable presently by any observation. Further, as we shall show in Chapter Four the brightness of the Sun and its companion( s) was markedly different in the binary phase than in the present system.

The currently accepted cosmogony of the Sun and the planets is dominated by concepts of gravitation, great stretches of time, and the stability of stellar and Solar System motions. In this cosmogony one looks backward and forward in time, confident that the world has been and will be found in place under known conditions. One assumes the order of things in accord with a three-hundred-year-old theory backed up by centuries of systematic observations. Occasionally, but nowadays with increasing frequency, new scientific discoveries are "surprising" or anomalous, within the frame of the cosmogony.

For instance, devastation has been wide-spread both on the Earth and on the other planets whose surface details are visible. Because theories had not predicted such instability, these disruptive events are insistently termed episodic and localized, and relegated to remote times. As will be shown, the prevailing cosmogony of science cannot cope with increasing numbers of surprising and anomalous observations. Sooner or later an alternative cosmogonical theory is invited. The mutating evidence suggests that a cosmogony can be constructed which does not require a long time to evolve our habitable world, within which major readjustments of the planetary orbits and environments are possible, and which redefines the set of forces that bring about change (see Technical Note C)

We began with the theory that the Solar System originated as a binary star system and has evolved to the present as such. In the course of elaborating this theory, we shall have to develop and use new tools of analysis - a general concept of electricity (see Technical Note B); new ways of viewing the origins of the atmosphere, lithosphere, and biosphere; an unusual form of legendary and historical inquiry (see Technical Note A); and revised measures of time for the process.

Accepting the notion that the Solar System may be presently at the end of a long binary trail leads to a theory that the Sun is electrical. This fundamental idea is the topic of the next chapter.

Quantavolution and Catastrophe
Alfred de Grazia | Earl R. Milton
Notes on Chapter 1

1. We acknowledge the conceivability of a recent theory that a large remote planet or a dim distant companion of the Sun seems to be disturbing the planetary system (van de Kamp, 1961, 1971; Brady; Harrison, 1977) and might be a remnant binary partner in addition to Jupiter.

2. See ahead to glossary.

Home
About »
Wilhelm Reich
Contact
Terms
Authors »

Biopathies & Physical Orgone Therapy
Biopathies & Psychiatric Orgone Therapy »
Case Studies
Children of the Future
History
Orgone Biophysics
Philosophy
Sociology »
Video
Weather Engineering

Categorized | Orgone Biophysics
The Origin of an Oranur Reaction
Article by Roberto Maglione

Posted on16 July 2018. Tags: Oranur reaction, Orgone energy, radioactivity, wilhelm reich
The Origin of an Oranur Reaction


Disclaimer
I would like to emphasize that the information contained in this paper must not be, in any way, shape or form, considered and used in small or large scale operations, whatever their goal. It is only intended as material to be used with great precaution by very skilled and responsible people, under government permission, in a laboratory research setting, aimed at developing the knowledge and protocols to make the Oranur reaction more and more understandable and secure. It was never my intention to spread information that could be used for field applications, either on a small or large scale. I do not, in any way, approve of such actions, and the responsibility lies with the person who might undertake them.



The Origin of an Oranur Reaction

By

Roberto Maglione

FOREWORD

In the past many philosophers and scientists hypothesized an ideal society characterized by a perfect understanding and relationship amongst political, social, cultural and scientific realities. Plato’s Res Publica, More’s De Optimo Rei Publicae Statu Deque Nova Insula Utopia, Campanella’s Civitas Solis, and Bacon’s New Atlantis are all discussing and proposing solutions to get the humans to this perfect world.

However, even though the efforts were so profound no practical solution was found to satisfy the theoretical considerations of the thinkers of the past, and the French motto, Liberté, Egalité Fraternitè, after an initial period of hopes went forgotten in the loft of human’s desires and ideas.

Adriano Olivetti, an Italian entrepreneur and politician, tried in the ‘40-50s to transform those theoretical ideas into something more practical and created in Ivrea, Italy, an industrial reality where the economic, social, scientific and cultural worlds were solidly interconnected; and where each worker might have a high level of participation to the life of the activities. This model was successful and led Olivetti’s business to extraordinarily levels of development. However, it did not survive its inventor, when Olivetti died in 1960.

Another great thinker and scientist, contemporary of Olivetti, was Reich whose scientific work was instrumental in starting a new era in the understanding of the natural phenomena. And, I do think that with the work of Reich we can really start thinking about a new political, social, scientific, and cultural change, where the theoretical considerations of the many philosophers can now find a practical application. Reich discovered a new type of energy in nature which had life-enhancing properties and that it could be available everywhere. He also found that this energy continuum, which can express as tiny energetic units, is characterized by different phases of existence, i.e., it could be in dynamic, undisturbed flowing condition; in excited and chaotically-moving conditions (called Oranur); or again in deadly and static condition (called DOR). He observed that each of these conditions had particular characteristics. Reich saw that the dynamic units heralded health both in the living and in the environment, the excited units were instead harmful to the living, and the deadly units were even more dangerous and nefarious leading to death of the living and of the environment. However, Reich did find that at a low degree of excitation these energetic units might have therapeutic properties. In addition, the Oranur state at a little higher degree of excitation could produce a motor force thus giving rise to an infinite number of technical applications.

It could also transform radioactive matter into a highly-beneficial and life-enhancing matter. Recently, it has been hypothesized that this state can also be instrumental in creating higher states of consciousness.

I do believe that the intermediate excited state of these tiny energetic units is of fundamental importance for that change hypothesized by the philosophers, and that can lead us to a new type of world where the French motto may at last find its well-deserved collocation. Like a portal, or an obligatory step to take, after which a new world can be envisaged. However, I do think that this type of world already existed in the past on this planet, as I’m profoundly convinced that the many properties of these tiny energetic units were already known thousand years ago. And, Reich, simply unconsciously and unknowingly, rediscovered this knowledge, developing a science of the ether, in juxtaposition and sharp contrast to the science of the matter, today prevalent. I’m also profoundly convinced that the scientists of the time were much more skilled in managing and utilizing this ether than we are today. I discuss this point in depth in my recent book on the Shamir.

I hope that the content of this paper can contribute to peacefully taking the road that leads to that portal, beyond which we might at last find the utopian island or world that has been dramatically and obstinately looked for by so many of the most fervid minds this planet has had.



INTRODUCTION

The Oranur experiment is one of the most important researches Reich carried out in the last period of his life. It is also one of the least known amongst Reich’s many works. Its main purpose was to determine a process to reduce or even completely suppress, in a relatively short time, the ionizing radiations emitted by a radioactive source. He thought that this might be obtained by exposing the radioactive material to high concentrations of orgone energy units:

“Nuclear radiation, for instance radium, is changed under the influence of concentrated orgone energy. The kind and the extent of such change is still very obscure.” (1)

“It is known that orgone energy itself changes and neutralises radio-active rays.” (2)

He planned and conducted this type of research partly because of the advent of the Korean war in order to find a response and an antidote to the threat of a possible nuclear conflict. However, some evidences of these anti-nuclear properties of orgone energy were already observed in previous experiments with radioactive materials (3):

“It was pointed out that we are on the threshold of a total war which may come to America and that it was the purpose of these meetings to study and make plans for the amplification of the orgone energy towards the prevention of the destruction which may come, and in the treatment of the effects of atomic explosions. The value of orgone energy in wound healing, burns, anemias, any condition causing blood destruction, in the alleviation of pain, in shock, its value in building up the energy level, and thereby the general resistance of the organism as well as in counteracting tissue destruction of all kinds is well known. The effects of atomic explosions are in no way different from the pathology produced by other causes. Radiation sickness is itself no new entity from the standpoint of the pathology produced, i.e. a degenerative process modified merely by the speed with which it takes effect and the numbers of persons who would be affected. It is known that orgone energy itself changes and neutralises radio-active rays. It is also fairly evident that the consistent user of the orgone accumulator would not be as subject to the severe shock and other effects of nuclear radiation as those who had not used an accumulator, in the event of an atomic explosion.”

Accordingly, Reich’s latter experiments were focused and aimed at verifying whether very small quantities of radioactive materials, when put inside high concentrations of orgone energy units might be rendered innocuous. The results of the very last experiment he carried out in this direction, called Oranur (4), led him to completely different results and conclusions, and radioactivity was found to be detrimental to high concentrations of orgone energy. Nevertheless, further researches conducted by Reich in the following years, based on the results of the Oranur experience, proved that in the end orgone energy could convert nuclear energy into a more powerful and basically benign form of energy, called Orur (5).



BACKGROUND

Reich started experimenting with radioactive materials and orgone energy concentrations as early as 1939 (6), about 12 years before the Oranur experiment (7). In one of his notes he reported that a vial of radioactive luminescent matter (zinc sulphide), that was kept in a small orgone charger for many years, lost its ionization effect some time later because of the influence of the concentrated orgone energy inside the charger (8). In addition, the zinc sulphide did maintain its luminescent properties, and continued to luminate very strongly.

Right before the start of the Oranur experiment, in the period December 15-27, 1950, he performed some continuous measurements with radioactive zinc sulphide and one microgram of radium. He did find that lead shielding with a ¼” thickness did not provide an appreciable reduction of the radioactive zinc sulphide count rate at the Geiger-Muller (GM) counter. On day 7 of this preliminary testing (December 21) he obtained 200 CPM with the radioactive zinc sulphide inside the ¼” lead shielding, and 300 CPM naked at 1 cm distance. However, Reich observed the radioactivity emitted by the material went up when it was put into an orgone energy charger (9).

Reich from these preliminary results noted that in some way a nuclear material exposed for some time to concentrated orgone energy units could lose its radioactive potency and observed a variation of its radioactive decay constant. He also noted that lead shielding did not appreciably reduce the radioactivity produced when the same material was unshielded or naked. So, Reich suggested to use in the experiment, in order to produce an Oranur field, freshly obtained radioactive sources, in that only then might they be effective, while a nuclear material which had been exposed to orgone energy concentrations for a long period of time (years) would have none or reduced effects, since it had been already influenced by the concentrated orgone energy units (10).

For the Oranur experiment Reich ordered two milligram (mg) of pure radium-226 that were never previously exposed to concentrated orgone energy fields. One mg was used in the experiment and the other one was considered as control (11). A few days before the start of the Oranur experiment Reich measured the background radioactivity in some critical points at Orgonon. On Dec 19, 1950, in the students’ laboratory (12) the radioactivity was 40-50 CPM, and similar values were recorded in other parts of the area (13). The radioactivity was monitored also in the next few days obtaining similar values while, as expected, higher values were recorded in those areas where a mild Oranur reaction was intentionally produced by the small radioactive sources used in the preliminary testing (14).

Besides, in order to check the influence of the Oranur field developed during the experiment on living organisms he placed a few hundred mice in the hall of the students’ laboratory, located 40 feet (around 12 meter) far from the external walls of the orgone room (15).

The following figures shows the layout of the facilities involved in the experiment and where the radioactive source was located (marked with C in Figure 1); and the students’ laboratory, where the orgone room was situated (Figure 2).



Figure 1 (16)

Figure 2 (17)



THE ORANUR EXPERIMENT

The experiment started on January 5, 1951 at 11.30 AM. The radioactive material, one of the two needles of 1 mg of pure radium-226, was put inside a small charger (a 1-fold orgone accumulator). The charger was then placed inside a 20-fold orgone accumulator located inside the orgone room. Just before the radioactive material was placed inside the orgone room the radioactivity was between 40 and 50 CPM everywhere (18); while in the students’ laboratory varied between 40 and 60 CPM (19). That day the experiment concluded at 4.30 PM. The original intention was to keep the needle of radium-226 continuously in the orgone room, but the sharp increase of the radioactivity in the hall of the students’ laboratory to 70-80 CPM, just after two and a half hours; and to several hundred CPM on the outside of the walls of the orgone room after five hours, forced the decision to amend the protocol and stop the exposure of the radium to the concentrated orgone field inside the orgone room (20). After the removal of the radium-226 needle, the high background counts in the students’ hall decreased to nearly normal value of 60 CPM, after half an hour of ventilation of the facility (21), while in open air outside the laboratory, the count rate was 30-50 CPM. The radium within the small charger was then stored into a garage 150 feet (around 46 meter) away from the metal room. When stored into the garage no variation of the radioactivity was observed in the experimental area (22).

According to the results of the first day of experiment, the protocol was amended and the radium-226 inside its charger was then put into the 20-fold orgone accumulator of the orgone room, from January 6 to 11, and taken out after only one hour of exposure. On January 12, the experimental one mg of radium-226 was put into the 20-fold orgone accumulator for only half-an-hour, as the experiment was interrupted. A few minutes after the radium was placed the atmosphere in the students’ laboratory became clouded and shined blue to purple through the glass of the windows (23). The small charger with the radium-226 was taken out of the orgone room and put away to half a mile (around 805 m) distance from the laboratory, within an uninhabited area (24).

The reason for the interruption of the experiment was due to the severe reactions of the people to the Oranur field created during the exposure of the radium-226 to the concentrated orgone energy inside the orgone room. They experienced severe belching, severe nausea, sensation of fainting, loss of equilibrium, clouding of consciousness, cramp to the stomach, weakness, and pressure in the forehead (25). No measurement of radioactivity was possible to do soon after the end of the experiment because of the dangerousness of the operation.

As a whole after a few months from the conclusion of the experiment, Reich made a list of the typical symptoms people exposed to an Oranur field could experience. Amongst these the most important were severe belching, malaise; nausea; pressure in head, and chest; cramps and twitching in muscles and other organs; hot and cold shivers; fatigue; pathological blood picture; increases of white cells; inflammation of the conjunctivae; dryness of throat; severe thirst; provocation of deadly symptoms; leukemic change in the blood picture; pneumonia; pleurisy; and inner bleedings (26).

Of the mice located in the students’ hall, close to the orgone room, 286 in total, 57 died during the experiment, even though the mice were never physically close to the nuclear material; 12 were killed for autopsy and medical purposes; and 217 survived during the experiment but all died in the following weeks (27).

Common symptoms the mice developed were immobilization to various degree; rough fur; cold perspiration; total body contraction; cyanotic tail, noses, lips, and ear lobs; severe thirst.

Autopsy evidenced a leukemia-like blood picture and a more complex and broader picture of symptoms common to all the mice: pneumonia in the haemorrhagic or organizational stage; a severe fibrous exudate covering the pleural cavity; post-mortal greenish T-discoloration of the subcutis; severely distended veins, including the carotid vein; purple discoloration of the genital organs; grayish or cyanotic, hardened tails; cyanotic ear lobes, toes, and lips; deformed RBC (red blood cell) in the blood of the same shape as those found in leukemic mice, and a high incidence of white cells; highly enlarged spleen, up to four times its normal size; and a striking dryness of the peritoneum, and an apparent deficiency of fluid in the blood system (28).

On February 6, 1951, around three weeks after the conclusion of the experiment, radioactivity measurements were done in the student laboratory. It was found a value of 40 CPM both outside and inside, while inside the orgone room, where the experiment was physically performed, it was 30-50 CPM. The small charger containing the shielded radium-226 gave close by 20,000 CPM, while at a distance of 300 cm it was 200-300 CPM (29).

The two milligram of radium-226, each one contained in its ½” lead container, were then put inside a 4” concrete and steel wall safe and put in a building at a distance of about 1,200 ft (around 366 meter) from the students’ laboratory (30). This action was taken not because the nuclear sources were dangerous, but to avoid the possibility they could excite the orgone energy of the environment close to the laboratory to such a high degree to produce again a dangerous Oranur field (31).

At the end of March 1951, all the orgone devices at Orgonon were dismantled and moved away from the inhabited buildings. This decision was taken because it was impossible to keep assembled or even assemble again any of the orgone accumulators which have been in use before January 5, 1951. They were highly active and drove the background counts from two to four times the usual rate, to 100 CPM and more (32).

Sharaf commented on the difficulties in facing and taking the situation at Orgonon back to normal (33):

“Though the official experimentation had stopped around Jan. 20th, the dramatic events connected with its effects were still in evidence till almost the end of Feb., and they are still by no means completely absent. Eva R. almost died on Feb. 19th from sticking her hand in an OEA that had been kept shut and in the lower lab constantly. During the same week Mrs. R. and Peter’s blood pictures were very bad and they left the Ob for a few days and lived in town. Almost everyone who was in the ob that week suffered from malaise, (headaches, tiredness, inflamed eyes, and other symptoms). All the accumulators were dismantled around that time, and the metal-lined dark room, too; to this day (March 14th) it is still not possible to have an accu. (that is, an accu at all affected by the experimentation) in the ob without the persons living there suffering from dry throats and lack of air.”

Reich inferred that there was no protection whatsoever against orgone energy that was running wild when irritated by nuclear radiations, since the orgone energy units did penetrate everything, including lead and brick or stone walls of any thickness. He realized the safety measures to protect against ionizing radiations, developed by the Atomic Energy Commission, were not effective against the development of an Oranur field (34). And hence there were no means for protection against an atmospheric orgone energy running amok under the irritation exerted by nuclear energy (35):

“4. It is most likely, and even imperative to assume that quite ordinary materials such as rock, metal, and especially material arrangements which have the faculty of accumulating OR energy, continue to be active long after the originally triggering NR has been removed. This resembles induced radioactivity.

………..
5. Structures which are capable of accumulating atmospheric OR energy, such as steel wool, metal filing cabinets or simple metal-lined boxes, become active even if they have not been directly influenced by NR radiation; it is sufficient that they come into contact with a directly affected orgone energy accumulator (36).
………..
9. …….. Buildings which have been freed of any kind of radioactive material, and in addition, from which every single OR energy accumulating device has been removed, still drive the background counts as high as 80 or 100 CPM if regular ventilation is neglected for only half-a-day. On the other hand, fresh air removes the effects and reduces the activity to a normal of around 25 to 40 CPM (37).
………..
14. Since NR activates OR and changes it to Oranur, Oranur continues, chainlike, to affect other OR devices; an initial trigger effect would be sufficient to start a chain of Oranur activity, as said before. We would have, then, to distinguish OR accumulators which had not been triggered by NR; they would be applied as heretofore, for total, regular, preventive irradiation, treatment of wounds, burns, etc. (38).”

On April 12 and 13, 1951, Reich monitored again the radioactivity at Orgonon with the GM counter (39). The readings obtained at distances from the 4” concrete/steel wall safe location of 600-700 ft (around 183-213 meter) were 60-80 CPM; while for higher distances the readings were normal, namely 40 CPM (caretaker’s cabin). When he measured the radioactivity at 1 cm from the safe wall (and from 30 cm from the source inside the safe) he found 10,000-20,000 CPM; while at 100 cm he found 600 CPM; and at 1,000 cm it was 100 CPM. Inside the room containing the safe the radioactivity was 6,000 CPM, at 200 cm distance from the safe; and 1,000 CPM on the maid’s room at 300 cm distance from the safe. Reich realized from the high measured values of radioactivity that the safe acted as an energy orgone accumulator, due to its construction characteristics that resembled those of an orgone accumulating device, and hence was producing an Oranur field detectable by the GM counter, of the same kind produced few months earlier in the original experiment. Besides, Reich surmised that an Oranur reaction went on all the while since February due to this arrangement (40).

Reich did not know how to manage the situation he was facing. To simply dump the whole safe into a nearby lake did not seem advisable, since the Oranur activity would most likely have affected the water of the lake. To bury it into the ground seemed equally impossible since the orgone energy from the soil would have continued to react (41).

On April 15, 1951, he repeated the measurements and he found approximately the same value of two days earlier, namely 20,000 CPM at 1 cm distance from the wall safe; 1,000 CPM at 100 cm distance; 150-200 CPM at 1,000 cm distance; and 60-80 CPM at 5,000 cm distance. In the maid’s room it was 200 CPM. In those same days (April 13-23) Reich observed also that several mice (42), kept in the room that housed the safe, showed no sign of illness, and were very healthy. Reich believed that possibly he had reached the original goal of the Oranur experiment, namely to render harmless the nuclear material through high concentration of orgone energy, and that seemingly Reich already obtained in other minor experiments in the previous years:

“This is, apparently, what we had been dealing with all through the years when small samples of NR sources were first irritating the OR energy and finally were changed into innocent though highly active material which had lost the power of “ionization” and of harming living tissue. (43)

………………

The main pioneering job had been done; the main danger signals had been recognized: Oranur phase One and Two; the main symptoms in these intermediary steps were in the open. Behind phase One and Two, there was clearly outlined phase Three, the impotence of NR and the victory of OR energy.