Anyway, here is another quote from Bakunin—as quoted by Errico Malatesta in his pamphlet Anarchy—which doesn't require much speculation, one that's more straightforward:

To whoever might claim that action so organised would be an assault on the freedom of the masses, an attempt to create a new authoritarian power, we would reply that he is nothing but a sophist and a fool. So much the worse for those who ignore the natural and social law of human solidarity, to the point of imagining that an absolute mutual independence of individuals and of the masses is something possible, or at least desirable. To wish it means to want the destruction of society, for the whole of social life is no other than this unceasing mutual dependence of individuals and masses. All individuals, even the most intelligent and the strongest, indeed above all the intelligent and strong, each at every moment in his life is at the same time its producer and its product. The very freedom of each individual is no other than the resultant, continually reproduced, of this mass of material, intellectual and moral influences exerted on him by all who surround him, by the society in the midst of which he is born, develops, and dies. To want to escape from this influence in the name of a transcendental, divine, freedom that is absolutely egoistic and sufficient unto itself, is the tendency of non-being. This much vaunted independence of the idealists and metaphysicians, and individual freedom thus conceived, are therefore nothingness.

In nature, as in human society, which is no other than this same nature, all that lives, only lives on the supreme condition of intervening in the most positive manner, and as powerfully as its nature allows, in the lives of others. The abolition of this mutual influence would be death. And when we vindicate the freedom of the masses, we are by no means suggesting the abolition of any of the natural influences that individuals or groups of individuals exert on them; what we want is the abolition of influences which are artificial, privileged, legal, official.

Anarchism, essentialism:

The article Bakunin, Class and Post-Anarchism, although probably a bit too critical of postmodernism (and of Stirner), has some interesting points on Bakunin's ideas in connection with the subject at hand.

Going further, here is one more quote from Bakunin's God and the State, a quote that I'm afraid doesn't support the notion that Bakunin believed in the essential goodness of humans (and it's a quote that is, arguably, critical of certain essentialist/universal concepts):

Real humanity presents a mixture of all that is most sublime and beautiful with all that is vilest and most monstrous in the world. How do [the Idealists] get over this? Why, they call one divine and the other bestial, representing divinity and animality as two poles, between which they place humanity. They either will not or cannot understand that these three terms are really but one, and that to separate them is to destroy them.

And Kropotkin wrote, for example:

When we ask for the abolition of the State and its organs we are always told that we dream of a society composed of men better than they are in reality. But no; a thousand times, no. All we ask is that men should not be made worse than they are, by such institutions!

The following quote from Bakunin might be interpreted as a naive essentialism etc... but it seems to me that it contains a (perhaps crude) conception of the will to power, expressed in different terms.

To revolt is a natural tendency of life. Even a worm turns against the foot that crushes it. In general, the vitality and relative dignity of an animal can be measured by the intensity of its instinct to revolt.

And as Jesse Cohn notes:

[Anarchist] theorists do not regard anarchy as something merely spontaneous, natural, biological, given, but as something that had to be evoked, elicited, created, made from the materials of history and biology. What “every individual inherits at birth,” according to Bakunin, is “not ideas and innate sentiments, as the idealists claim, but only the capacity to feel, to will, to think, and to speak”—a set of “rudimentary faculties without any content”; this content must be supplied by the social milieu…. Nature is a set of potentials, not a telos; social construction is the determining factor. In this sense, classical anarchist theory goes beyond the binary opposition of essentialism/non-essentialism.

Conclusion (finally!):

The point of this discourse is not to depict "classical anarchism" as post-modernist, since postmodernist/poststructuralist philosophy is not the "ultimate standard" of philosophy against which all thoughts and philosophies should be measured (it'd be a great irony to say otherwise); and much less to present anarchism/anarchists as being immune to criticism... but rather to show both that many postmodernist insights, that are often presented to us as novel, can be found in anarchist writings of the classical period; and that the post-anarchist representation of anarchism is largely a caricature, lacking any deep understanding of anarchist movement and theory, and perhaps coming from little more than post-salesmanship...

(Once again, it is not that anarchists—or any thinkers, any persons—of any period don't have to be criticized or critically viewed... rather, this whole discourse is only meant to point out—at some length—that postanarchist representations/critiques of "classical anarchism/anarchists" have been to a very significant extent misleading and shallow)

As Allan Antliff notes in the beginning of their essay Anarchy, Power, and Poststructuralism:

My purpose is not to further [Todd] May’s positioning of anarchism as poststructuralist. Rather, I am interested in the claim that “classical” anarchism — and by extension, contemporary anarchism — founds its politics on a flawed conception of power and its relationship to society. Based on this premise, May has urged anarchist-oriented theorists to press on without looking back — and some, notably Lewis Call and Saul Newman, have done just that.

(This short essay by Antliff has some further interesting points and quotes which I have not included here, so it's worth checking out...)

And I end this discourse with Antliff's concluding remarks:

To conclude, the history of the Russian Revolution makes abundantly clear that “classical” anarchism does have a positive theory of power. Not only that, it offers an alternative ground for theorizing the social conditions of freedom and a critical understanding of power and liberation as perpetually co-mingling with and inscribed by a process of self-interrogation and self-overcoming that is pluralistic, individualist, materialist, and social. Finally, it has the advantage of an historical record: this theory has been put into practice, sometimes on a mass scale.

Arguably, then, contemporary radicals would do better marshaling classical anarchism to interrogate poststructuralism, rather than the other way around. As it stands, the continual rehashing of May’s spurious characterizations in a bid to theorize “beyond” anarchism has merely set up a false God adjective, poststructuralism, at the price of silencing the ostensive subject.

...while adding that, if this rant sounded a bit too polemical, that was partly satirical... but overall light-hearted ❤️

(and finally, posting this rant on Christmas is 100% a coincidence)

“I mistrust all systematizers and avoid them. The will to a system is a lack of integrity.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Twilight of the Idols (§1. 26)

„Niemand ist mehr Sklave, als der sich für frei hält, ohne es zu sein.“

“None are more hopelessly enslaved than those who falsely believe they are free.”

— Johann Wolfgang von Goethe,
Die Wahlverwandtschaften
(Elective Affinities; Bk. II, Ch. 5)

“Anarchism is no patent solution for all human problems, no Utopia of a perfect social order, as it has so often been called, since on principle it rejects all absolute schemes and concepts. It does not believe in any absolute truth, or in definite final goals for human development, but in an unlimited perfectibility of social arrangements and human living conditions, which are always straining after higher forms of expression, and to which for this reason one can assign no definite terminus nor set any fixed goal. The worst crime of any type of state is just that it always tries to force the rich diversity of social life into definite forms and adjust it to one particular form, which allows for no wider outlook and regards the previously exciting status as finished. The stronger its supporters feel themselves, the more completely they succeed in bringing every field of social life into their service, the more crippling is their influence on the operation of all creative cultural forces, the more unwholesomely does it affect the intellectual and social development of any particular epoch.”

— Rudolf Rocker,
Anarcho-Syndicalism (chapter 1)

“Anarchism recognises only the relative significance of ideas, institutions and social forms. It is therefore not a fixed, self-enclosed social system, but rather a definite trend in the historic development of mankind, which, in contrast with the intellectual guardianship of all clerical and governmental institutions, strives for the free unhindered unfolding of all the individual and social forces in life. Even freedom is only a relative, not an absolute concept, since it tends constantly to become broader and affect wider circles in more manifold ways. For the Anarchist, freedom is not an abstract philosophical concept, but the vital concrete possibility for every human being to bring to full development all the powers, capacities and talents with which nature has endowed him, and turn them to social account. The less this natural development of man is influenced by ecclesiastical or political guardianship, the more efficient and harmonious will human personality become, the more will it become the measure of the society in which it has grown.”

— Rudolf Rocker,
Anarcho-Syndicalism (chapter 1)

Mutual influences of ideas and ideologies

“A word now against Kant as a moralist. A virtue must be our invention; it must spring out of our personal need and defence. In every other case it is a source of danger. That which does not belong to our life menaces it; a virtue which has its roots in mere respect for the concept of ‘virtue,’ as Kant would have it, is pernicious. ‘Virtue,’ ‘duty,’ ‘good for its own sake,’ goodness grounded upon impersonality or a notion of universal validity – these are all chimeras, and in them one finds only an expression of the decay, the last collapse of life, the Chinese spirit of Königsberg. Quite the contrary is demanded by the most profound laws of self-preservation and of growth: to wit, that every man find his own virtue, his own categorical imperative. A nation goes to pieces when it confounds its duty with the general concept of duty. Nothing works a more complete and penetrating disaster than every ‘impersonal’ duty, every sacrifice before the Moloch of abstraction. – To think that no one has thought of Kant’s categorical imperative as dangerous to life!… The theological instinct alone took it under protection! – An action prompted by the life-instinct proves that it is a right action by the amount of pleasure that goes with it: and yet that Nihilist, with his bowels of Christian dogmatism, regarded pleasure as an objection.… What destroys a man more quickly than to work, think and feel without inner necessity, without any deep personal desire, without pleasure – as a mere automaton of ‘duty’? That is the recipe for décadence, and no less for idiocy.… Kant became an idiot. – And such a man was the contemporary of Goethe! This calamitous spinner of cobwebs passed for the German philosopher – still passes today!… I forbid myself to say what I think of the Germans.… Didn’t Kant see in the French Revolution the transformation of the state from the inorganic form to the organic? Didn’t he ask himself if there was a single event that could be explained save on the assumption of a moral faculty in man, so that on the basis of it, ‘the tendency of mankind toward the good’ could be explained, once and for all time? Kant’s answer: ‘That is revolution.’ Instinct at fault in everything and anything, instinct as a revolt against nature, German décadence as a philosophy – that is Kant!”

— Friedrich Nietzsche, The Antichrist (11)

Bourgeois individualism as an attempt to prevent solidarity

“Those feminists who weep crocodile tears over ‘exploited’ sex workers are doing nothing new. In the mid-nineteenth century, middle-class women in New York threatened to keep vigil outside brothels and to publish clients’ names. They attacked low wages as a cause of prostitution and advocated better employment opportunities for women (perhaps in domestic service, where they might provide free sexual favours to the men of the house, who could then stop frittering away the family wealth in houses of ill-repute). In England in 1858 the Female Mission on the Fallen distributed tracts on the streets at night and opened rescue homes. The latest campaigns in this vein target sex tourism and mail-order brides. The poverty of third-world women was never of prime feminist concern until they became afraid that too many ‘eligible’ western men would be wrested from their grasp. The feminist who seeks a mate in lonely-hearts columns has to maintain the self-deception that her aims are all to do with romance and nothing to do with financial gain.”

— Claudia, Fear of Pornography
(from Bad Girls and Dirty Pictures: The Challenge to Reclaim Feminism)

“It is remarkable how sudden feelings of empathy and identification with ‘exploited’ women surge up in the breasts of [liberal] feminists when they think of workers in the sex-industry — pornography is ‘an assault on women, our dignity, our humanness, our personal safety, even our right to survive as autonomous individuals’. It is even more remarkable how feminists never identify in this way with cleaners, child-minders and factory workers; that is, those ‘hidden’ women who create the material conditions that keep the feminist in the ‘alternative’ lifestyle to which she has become accustomed.”

— Claudia, Fear of Pornography

Bad Girls and Dirty Pictures: The Challenge to Reclaim Feminism (Alison Assiter and Avedon Carol, ed)

Shaming men for "being feminine" as an extension of misogyny

»„Tränenreiche Männer sind gut.“ Verlasse mich jeder, der trocknen Herzens, trockner Augen ist!«

“Men who give way easily to tears are good. I have nothing to do with those whose hearts are dry and whose eyes are dry!”

— Johann Wolfgang von Goethe,
Die Wahlverwandtschaften
(Elective Affinities; Bk. I, Ch. 18)

“Carrying Coals to Newcastle. — The governments of the great States have two instruments for keeping the people dependent, in fear and obedience: a coarser, the army, and a more refined, the school. With the aid of the former they win over to their side the ambition of the higher strata and the strength of the lower, so far as both are characteristic of active and energetic men of moderate or inferior gifts. With the aid of the latter they win over gifted poverty, especially the intellectually pretentious semi-poverty of the middle classes.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§1. 320)

School as a prison

“There are no Teachers. — As thinkers we ought only to speak of self-teaching. The instruction of the young by others is either an experiment performed upon something as yet unknown and unknowable, or else a thorough levelling process, in order to make the new member of society conform to the customs and manners that prevail for the time being. In both cases the result is accordingly unworthy of a thinker – the handiwork of parents and teachers, whom some valiantly honest person has called ‘nos ennemis naturels.’* One day, when, as the world thinks, we have long since finished our education, we discover ourselves. Then begins the task of the thinker, and then is the time to summon him to our aid – not as a teacher, but as a self-taught man who has experience.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 267)

* ‘our natural enemies’