“Secondly, there is the greed of the state, which likewise desires the greatest possible dissemination and universalization of culture and has in its hands the most effective instruments for satisfying this desire. Presupposing it knows itself sufficiently strong to be able, not only to unchain energies, but at the right time also to yoke them, presupposing its foundations are sufficiently broad and secure to sustain the whole educational structure, then the dissemination of education among its citizens can only be to its advantage in its competition with other states. Whenever one now speaks of the ‘cultural state’, one sees it as facing the task of releasing the spiritual energies of a generation to the extent that will serve the interests of existing institutions: but only to this extent; as a forest river is partially diverted with dams and breakwaters so as to operate a mill with the diminished driving-power thus produced — while the river's full driving-power would rather endanger the mill than operate it. This releasing of energies is at the same time, and much more, an enchaining of them. One has only to recall what Christianity has gradually become through the greed of the state. Christianity is certainly one of the purest revelations of the impulse to culture and especially of the impulse to the ever-renewed production of the saint; but since it has been employed in a hundred ways to propel the mills of state power it has gradually become sick to the very marrow, hypocritical and untruthful, and degenerated into a contradiction of its original goal. Even the most recent event in its history, the German Reformation, would have been no more than a sudden and quickly extinguished flare-up if it had not stolen fresh fuel from the fires of conflict between the states.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §6)

“Egoism and its problem! The Christian gloominess in La Rochefoucauld which extracted egoism from everything and thought he had thereby reduced the value of things and of virtues! To counter that, I at first sought to prove that there could not be anything other than egoism — that in men whose ego is weak and thin the power of great love also grows weak — that the greatest lovers are so from the strength of their ego — that love is an expression of egoism, etc.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
The Will to Power (362)

scientific racism, sexism etc

“Thirdly, culture is promoted by all those who are conscious of possessing an ugly or boring content and want to conceal the fact with so-called ‘beautiful form’. Under the presupposition that what is inside is usually judged by what is outside, the observer is to be constrained to a false assessment of the content through externalities, through words, gestures, decoration, display, ceremoniousness. It sometimes seems to me that modern men bore one another to a boundless extent and that they finally feel the need to make themselves interesting with the aid of all the arts. They have themselves served up by their artists as sharp and pungent repasts; they soak themselves in all the spices of the Orient and the Occident, and to be sure! they now smell very interesting, smelling as they do of all the Orient and the Occident. Now they are suitably prepared for satisfying every taste; and everyone shall have something, whether his inclination be for the fresh-smelling or foul-smelling, for the sublimated or for peasant coarseness, for the Greek or the Chinese, for tragedies or for dramatized lewdness.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §6)

capitalist mindfulness etc

“However loudly the state may proclaim its service to culture, it furthers culture in order to further itself and cannot conceive of a goal higher than its own welfare and continued existence. What the money-makers really want when they ceaselessly demand instruction and education is in the last resort precisely money. When those who require form ascribe to themselves the actual labor on behalf of culture and opine, for instance, that all art belongs to them and must stand in the service of their requirements, what is quite clear is that by affirming culture they are merely affirming themselves: that they too are therefore still involved in a misunderstanding.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §6)

"Begumpura (“land without sorrow”) is a stateless, classless, casteless society imagined by poet Guru Raidas [aka Ravidas] in his poem around 500 years ago in India. It was possibly the first imagination of an anarchist utopia in Indian literature. It became the guiding light for anti-caste intellectuals for imagining the society that they aspire to create."

https://www.roundtableindia.co.in/begumpura-the-anarchist-commune/

the micropolitical roots of fascism

“It will probably be increasingly the sign of spiritual superiority from now on if a man takes the state and his duties towards it lightly; for he who has the furor philosophicus [philosophical passion] within him will already no longer have time for the furor politicus [political passion] and will wisely refrain from reading the newspapers every day, let alone working for a political party...”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §7)

“These...are some of the conditions under which the philosophical genius can at any rate come into existence in our time despite the forces working against it: free manliness of character, early knowledge of mankind, no scholarly education, no narrow patriotism, no necessity for bread-winning, no ties with the state — in short, freedom and again freedom: that wonderful and perilous element in which the Greek philosophers were able to grow up.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

weak power, strong power

“Nothing stands so much in the way of the production and propagation of the great philosopher by nature as does the bad philosopher who works for the state.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

“Considered more closely, that ‘freedom’ with which, as I have said, the state now blesses some men for the good of philosophy is no freedom at all but an office of profit. The promotion of philosophy nowadays consists, it seems, only in the state's enabling a number of men to live from their philosophy by making of it a means of livelihood: whereas the sages of ancient Greece were not paid by the state but at most were, like Zeno, honoured with a gold crown and a monument in the Ceramicus.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

“[E]very state...will favour only philosophers it does not fear. For it does happen that the state is afraid of philosophy as such, and when this is the case it will try all the more to draw to it philosophers who will give it the appearance of having philosophy on its side — because it has on its side those men who bear the name of philosopher and yet are patently nothing to inspire fear. If, however, a man should arise who really gave the impression of intending to apply the scalpel of truth to all things, including the body of the state, then the state would, since it affirms its own existence before all else, be justified in expelling such a man and treating him as an enemy: just as it expels and treats as an enemy a religion which sets itself above the state and desires to be its judge. So if anyone is to tolerate being a philosopher in the employ of the state, he will also have to tolerate being regarded as having abandoned any attempt to pursue truth into all its hideouts. At the very least he is obliged, so long as he is the recipient of favours and offices, to recognize something as being higher than truth, namely the state. And not merely the state but at the same time everything the state considers necessary for its wellbeing: a certain form of religion, for example, or of social order, or of army regulations — a noli me tangere [do not touch me] is inscribed upon everything of this sort. Can a university philosopher ever have realized to the full the whole gamut of duties and limitations imposed upon him? I do not know; if he has done so and has nonetheless remained an official of the state he has been a bad friend of truth; if he has never done so — well, I would say he would still be no friend of truth.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

der Pessimismus als Stärke — worin? in der Energie seiner Logik, als Anarchismus und Nihilism, als Analytik.

Pessimism as strength — in what? in the energy of its logic, as anarchism and nihilism, as analytics.

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Nachgelassene Fragmente (1887) (9[126])

Yes, I am a hard worker!... I hardly work

on power relations

“[W]hat in the world have our young men to do with the history of philosophy? Is the confusion of opinions supposed to discourage them from having opinions of their own? Are they supposed to learn how to join in the rejoicing at how wonderfully far we ourselves have come? Are they supposed even to learn to hate philosophy or to despise it? One might almost think so when one knows how students have to torment themselves for the sake of their philosophical examinations so as to cram into their poor brain the maddest and most caustic notions of the human spirit together with the greatest and hardest to grasp. The only critique of a philosophy that is possible and that proves something, namely trying to see whether one can live in accordance with it, has never been taught at universities: all that has ever been taught is a critique of words by means of other words. And now imagine a youthful head, not very experienced in living, in which fifty systems in the form of words and fifty critiques of them are preserved side-by-side and intermingled — what a desert, what a return to barbarism, what a mockery of an education in philosophy! But of course it is admittedly no such thing; it is a training in passing philosophical examinations, the usual outcome of which is well known to be that the youth to be tested — tested all too severely, alas! — admits to himself with a sigh of relief: ‘Thank God I am no philosopher, but a Christian and a citizen of my country!’

What if this sigh of relief were the state's actual objective and ‘education in philosophy’ only a means of deterring from philosophy? Let one ask oneself this question. — If it really is so, however, there is only one thing to be feared: that youth may one day finally come to realize to what end philosophy is here being misused. The supreme objective, the production of the philosophical genius, nothing but a pretext? The goal perhaps the prevention of his production? The meaning of it all reversed into its opposite? In that case — woe to the whole complex of state and professorial policy!

And is something of the sort not supposed to have transpired already? I do not know; but I do know that university philosophy is now the object of universal disrespect and scepticism. ... [Academic philosophers] have lost their confidence, so that none of them lives even a moment for the sake of his philosophy. Formerly some of them believed themselves capable of inventing new religions or of replacing old ones with their philosophical systems; nowadays they have lost all this old arrogance and are as a rule pious, timid and uncertain folk, never brave like Lucretius or wrathful at human oppression.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

“Love and honour. — Love desires, fear avoids. That is why one cannot be both loved and honoured by the same person, at least not at the same time. For he who honours recognises power, — that is to say, he fears it, he is in a state of reverential fear [Ehr-furcht]. But love recognises no power, nothing that divides, detaches, superordinates, or subordinates. Because it does not honour them, ambitious people secretly or openly resent being loved.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part I) (603)