weak power, strong power

“Nothing stands so much in the way of the production and propagation of the great philosopher by nature as does the bad philosopher who works for the state.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

“Considered more closely, that ‘freedom’ with which, as I have said, the state now blesses some men for the good of philosophy is no freedom at all but an office of profit. The promotion of philosophy nowadays consists, it seems, only in the state's enabling a number of men to live from their philosophy by making of it a means of livelihood: whereas the sages of ancient Greece were not paid by the state but at most were, like Zeno, honoured with a gold crown and a monument in the Ceramicus.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

“[E]very state...will favour only philosophers it does not fear. For it does happen that the state is afraid of philosophy as such, and when this is the case it will try all the more to draw to it philosophers who will give it the appearance of having philosophy on its side — because it has on its side those men who bear the name of philosopher and yet are patently nothing to inspire fear. If, however, a man should arise who really gave the impression of intending to apply the scalpel of truth to all things, including the body of the state, then the state would, since it affirms its own existence before all else, be justified in expelling such a man and treating him as an enemy: just as it expels and treats as an enemy a religion which sets itself above the state and desires to be its judge. So if anyone is to tolerate being a philosopher in the employ of the state, he will also have to tolerate being regarded as having abandoned any attempt to pursue truth into all its hideouts. At the very least he is obliged, so long as he is the recipient of favours and offices, to recognize something as being higher than truth, namely the state. And not merely the state but at the same time everything the state considers necessary for its wellbeing: a certain form of religion, for example, or of social order, or of army regulations — a noli me tangere [do not touch me] is inscribed upon everything of this sort. Can a university philosopher ever have realized to the full the whole gamut of duties and limitations imposed upon him? I do not know; if he has done so and has nonetheless remained an official of the state he has been a bad friend of truth; if he has never done so — well, I would say he would still be no friend of truth.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

der Pessimismus als Stärke — worin? in der Energie seiner Logik, als Anarchismus und Nihilism, als Analytik.

Pessimism as strength — in what? in the energy of its logic, as anarchism and nihilism, as analytics.

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Nachgelassene Fragmente (1887) (9[126])

Yes, I am a hard worker!... I hardly work

on power relations

“[W]hat in the world have our young men to do with the history of philosophy? Is the confusion of opinions supposed to discourage them from having opinions of their own? Are they supposed to learn how to join in the rejoicing at how wonderfully far we ourselves have come? Are they supposed even to learn to hate philosophy or to despise it? One might almost think so when one knows how students have to torment themselves for the sake of their philosophical examinations so as to cram into their poor brain the maddest and most caustic notions of the human spirit together with the greatest and hardest to grasp. The only critique of a philosophy that is possible and that proves something, namely trying to see whether one can live in accordance with it, has never been taught at universities: all that has ever been taught is a critique of words by means of other words. And now imagine a youthful head, not very experienced in living, in which fifty systems in the form of words and fifty critiques of them are preserved side-by-side and intermingled — what a desert, what a return to barbarism, what a mockery of an education in philosophy! But of course it is admittedly no such thing; it is a training in passing philosophical examinations, the usual outcome of which is well known to be that the youth to be tested — tested all too severely, alas! — admits to himself with a sigh of relief: ‘Thank God I am no philosopher, but a Christian and a citizen of my country!’

What if this sigh of relief were the state's actual objective and ‘education in philosophy’ only a means of deterring from philosophy? Let one ask oneself this question. — If it really is so, however, there is only one thing to be feared: that youth may one day finally come to realize to what end philosophy is here being misused. The supreme objective, the production of the philosophical genius, nothing but a pretext? The goal perhaps the prevention of his production? The meaning of it all reversed into its opposite? In that case — woe to the whole complex of state and professorial policy!

And is something of the sort not supposed to have transpired already? I do not know; but I do know that university philosophy is now the object of universal disrespect and scepticism. ... [Academic philosophers] have lost their confidence, so that none of them lives even a moment for the sake of his philosophy. Formerly some of them believed themselves capable of inventing new religions or of replacing old ones with their philosophical systems; nowadays they have lost all this old arrogance and are as a rule pious, timid and uncertain folk, never brave like Lucretius or wrathful at human oppression.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

“Love and honour. — Love desires, fear avoids. That is why one cannot be both loved and honoured by the same person, at least not at the same time. For he who honours recognises power, — that is to say, he fears it, he is in a state of reverential fear [Ehr-furcht]. But love recognises no power, nothing that divides, detaches, superordinates, or subordinates. Because it does not honour them, ambitious people secretly or openly resent being loved.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part I) (603)

me and who

Stoicism as slave morality

“The state never has any use for truth as such, but only for truth which is useful to it, more precisely for anything whatever useful to it whether it be truth, half-truth or error. A union of state and philosophy can therefore make sense only if philosophy can promise to be unconditionally useful to the state, that is to say, to set usefulness to the state higher than truth. It would of course be splendid for the state if it also had truth in its pay and service; but the state itself well knows that it is part of the essence of truth that it never accepts pay or stands in anyone's service. Thus what the state has is only false ‘truth’, a person in a mask; and unfortunately this cannot do for it what it so much desires genuine truth to do: validate and sanctify it.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

“Since the state can have no interest in the university other than seeing it raise useful and devoted citizens of the state, it should hesitate to place this usefulness and devotion in jeopardy by demanding that these young men should sit an examination in philosophy: it could well be, of course, that the dull and incompetent would be frightened off university study altogether by this spectre of a philosophy examination; but this gain could not compensate for the harm done to rash and restless youth by this enforced drudgery; they get to know books forbidden them, begin to criticize their teachers and finally even become aware of the objective of university philosophy and its examinations — not to speak of the misgivings which this circumstance can excite in young theologians and as a result of which they are beginning to die out in Germany, as the ibex is in the Tyrol. ... Philosophy has become superfluous to the state because the state no longer needs its sanction.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Untimely Meditations (III. §8)

The least leninist Leninist:
*(violently) HATES freedom/socialism*
(and only obsesses with a concept of socialism that has nothing to do with socialism, due to a violent decadent spirit that longs to be dominated or to dominate, or to die or to kill)

Every Leninist is a cop

ACAB!

All "masculine" abominations, proud slaves, "free" self-enslavers, (spiritual/moral) weaklings, hideous creatures, envious & vengeful spirits, bootlicking undesirables, self-loathers, cannibalistic hatemongers, zombified non-beings... assemble: get ready to violently cope & seethe, on Feb 14, by forcing the hateful vengeance of your pathetically filthy poisonous (non-)existence on others

(any Bajrang Dal type who doesn't commit suimcide after reading this must have already been completely zombified, and needs salvation administered externally)

Some "people's" cop disagrees...

Well, ACAB still!

„Verhasst ist mir das Folgen und das Führen.
Gehorchen? Nein! Und aber nein – Regieren!“

“Despicable to me are following and leading.
Commanding? Even worse to me than heeding!”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Die fröhliche Wissenschaft
(The Gay Science; Prelude. 33)


(Regieren = to govern, to rule;
Gehorchen = to obey)