Forwarded from The Middle Aged Revolutionary
If you’ve ever wondered why Nigel Farage gets so much media coverage in the British media, then you also must consider why Zack Polanski is being given so much media coverage, too.
Bourgeois democracy has many shop fronts. But they all sell the same crap.
Bourgeois democracy has many shop fronts. But they all sell the same crap.
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Forwarded from Joti Brar
Strikers were blocked some months ago from taking the kind of effective picketing action that would have brought about a quick resolution to the dispute.
Court injunctions threatened sequestration of funds and the union caved.
The anti-trade-union laws will need to be defied en masse by our movement if they are to be removed from the statute books.
While they remain, they will continue to undermine the efforts of workers in struggle.
https://thecommunists.org/2025/10/01/news/government-council-investing-to-defeate-birmingham-bin-strike/
Court injunctions threatened sequestration of funds and the union caved.
The anti-trade-union laws will need to be defied en masse by our movement if they are to be removed from the statute books.
While they remain, they will continue to undermine the efforts of workers in struggle.
https://thecommunists.org/2025/10/01/news/government-council-investing-to-defeate-birmingham-bin-strike/
The Communists
Government and council investing heavily to defeat Birmingham bin strike
What is at stake is not merely the future of a few hundred workers, but the question of who should pay for the capitalist crisis.
The Class Consciousness Project has leveled up. We have finally created our own paper! This will be a twice yearly publication with articles from our blog and ones created especially for this paper.
They will be available to get from us in the midlands, North West and in Glasgow. As we progress we will look at postage.
We will inform you all of where you can pick up our publication and hope you enjoy it as much as we did creating it!
They will be available to get from us in the midlands, North West and in Glasgow. As we progress we will look at postage.
We will inform you all of where you can pick up our publication and hope you enjoy it as much as we did creating it!
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Forwarded from Joti Brar
Looking at the public antics of the various factions struggling for control of the new organisation, even before it has any members or branches, one can’t help but wonder whether it really is possible to be this incompetent by accident.
https://thecommunists.org/2025/10/01/news/jeremy-corbyn-second-coming/
https://thecommunists.org/2025/10/01/news/jeremy-corbyn-second-coming/
The Communists
The second coming of Jeremy Corbyn
Can the clown car be kept on the road for long enough to fulfil its function?
Forwarded from The Communists
What is the real content of the ‘patriotism’ that workers are being asked to exhibit?
https://thecommunists.org/2025/10/01/news/operation-raise-the-colours-true-content/
https://thecommunists.org/2025/10/01/news/operation-raise-the-colours-true-content/
The Communists
Some thoughts on the true content of ‘Operation: Raise the Colours’
The ruling class wins every time we allow our anger to be diverted into harmless channels.
While most of us are juggling bills, ex-Prime Ministers and cabinet men are busy hosting private dinners with Silicon Valley billionaires.
Tony Blair and Nick Clegg, the old “opponents” turned business partners, have been wining and dining tech executives and sitting ministers in a series of secret meetings, supposedly to talk about “innovation” and “digital governance.” Obviously linked around the digital ID narrative, but then won't be all. What these meetings really create is access: a revolving door between parliament and finance capital.
This is how policy is made now, not in parliament, but in private dining rooms and board retreats. The faux democracy of parliamentarism; it’s deal-making. Tech firms get lighter regulation, softer taxation (if any at all), and first pick of government contracts. In return, politicians get future consultancy gigs, advisory posts, and a seat back at the table once they’ve “retired.”
It’s a reminder that beyond the pantomime elections, these people aren’t rivals, they’re colleagues. Blair, Clegg, Cameron, Starmer, Sunak, different brands, same investors. If those left of imperialism, like Corbyn and Sultana, have their place. The entire political class has merged with finance capital. They don’t govern for the public; they manage on behalf of the market.
And this is why every election feels like groundhog day. Because behind the noise, the real policies, privatisation, deregulation, cuts, and tech-capital partnerships, will never change.
If you want to know who runs Britain, don’t look at Parliament. Look at who is sat at Tony Blair's dinner table.
The Class Consciousness Project
Tony Blair and Nick Clegg, the old “opponents” turned business partners, have been wining and dining tech executives and sitting ministers in a series of secret meetings, supposedly to talk about “innovation” and “digital governance.” Obviously linked around the digital ID narrative, but then won't be all. What these meetings really create is access: a revolving door between parliament and finance capital.
This is how policy is made now, not in parliament, but in private dining rooms and board retreats. The faux democracy of parliamentarism; it’s deal-making. Tech firms get lighter regulation, softer taxation (if any at all), and first pick of government contracts. In return, politicians get future consultancy gigs, advisory posts, and a seat back at the table once they’ve “retired.”
It’s a reminder that beyond the pantomime elections, these people aren’t rivals, they’re colleagues. Blair, Clegg, Cameron, Starmer, Sunak, different brands, same investors. If those left of imperialism, like Corbyn and Sultana, have their place. The entire political class has merged with finance capital. They don’t govern for the public; they manage on behalf of the market.
And this is why every election feels like groundhog day. Because behind the noise, the real policies, privatisation, deregulation, cuts, and tech-capital partnerships, will never change.
If you want to know who runs Britain, don’t look at Parliament. Look at who is sat at Tony Blair's dinner table.
The Class Consciousness Project
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Wages, therefore, are not a share of the worker in the commodities produced by himself. Wages are that part of already existing commodities with which the capitalist buys a certain amount of productive labour-power.
Consequently, labour-power is a commodity which its possessor, the wage-worker, sells to the capitalist. Why does he sell it? It is in order to live.
- Karl Marx
Wage Labour and Capital
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Britain and the Shadow of the IMF
Talk has started again about the IMF’s “concern” over the British economy. The International Monetary Fund has warned the government to maintain “fiscal discipline” and create “space for shocks” which is simply coded language for cuts, privatisation, and wage freezes. While no formal bailout has been requested, the message is clear: global finance is watching, and it expects the working class to pay the price for Britain’s crisis.
This isn’t new. The IMF always comes dressed as a doctor and leaves behind a corpse. Across the world its loans have meant austerity, mass unemployment, privatisation of public assets, and the selling off of essential services to private capital. A trojan horse of finance capital and “restructuring” is their word for gutting what little remains of social provision.
Britain has been here before. In 1976, under Labour again, the government turned to the IMF for a $3.9 billion loan, the largest in the Fund’s history at that time. It came after years of inflation, a collapsing pound, and pressure from the money markets. The loan came with the usual conditions: spending cuts, wage freezes, and an end to any pretence that Britain could pursue independent economic planning.
It’s important to remember that the post-war welfare state was never a socialist triumph, it was a ruling-class concession to the workers. A fragile compromise made to a war-weary proletariat at a time when successful workers’ revolutions abroad had terrified the British establishment. Labour’s leaders had no intention of challenging capitalism; their role was to manage it, to reform just enough to preserve it. The welfare state was built not to free the working class, but to contain it.
By 1976, that post-war deal had broken down. The IMF’s intervention marked the moment the British state dropped the mask and returned openly to serving finance capital. The decades that followed, Thatcherism, deregulation, privatisation, weren’t a break from 1976, but its continuation. Labour, Tory, and every administration since have carried the same flag: managing British capitalism for whichever section of the ruling class holds sway at the time.
Today, the same logic repeats. We’re told the economy is “too fragile” for public spending but stable enough for tax cuts for "investors". We’re told to tighten belts while corporate profits soar and landlords hoard wealth. The IMF’s concern is not Britain’s people, it’s Britain’s bondholders.
There is no national crisis, only a class one.
Britain’s rulers call in institutions like the IMF not to save the country, but to secure the interests of the same class that caused the crisis. Every new “reform” and “rescue” is simply another way for capital to profit from decay.
The Class Consciousness Project
Talk has started again about the IMF’s “concern” over the British economy. The International Monetary Fund has warned the government to maintain “fiscal discipline” and create “space for shocks” which is simply coded language for cuts, privatisation, and wage freezes. While no formal bailout has been requested, the message is clear: global finance is watching, and it expects the working class to pay the price for Britain’s crisis.
This isn’t new. The IMF always comes dressed as a doctor and leaves behind a corpse. Across the world its loans have meant austerity, mass unemployment, privatisation of public assets, and the selling off of essential services to private capital. A trojan horse of finance capital and “restructuring” is their word for gutting what little remains of social provision.
Britain has been here before. In 1976, under Labour again, the government turned to the IMF for a $3.9 billion loan, the largest in the Fund’s history at that time. It came after years of inflation, a collapsing pound, and pressure from the money markets. The loan came with the usual conditions: spending cuts, wage freezes, and an end to any pretence that Britain could pursue independent economic planning.
It’s important to remember that the post-war welfare state was never a socialist triumph, it was a ruling-class concession to the workers. A fragile compromise made to a war-weary proletariat at a time when successful workers’ revolutions abroad had terrified the British establishment. Labour’s leaders had no intention of challenging capitalism; their role was to manage it, to reform just enough to preserve it. The welfare state was built not to free the working class, but to contain it.
By 1976, that post-war deal had broken down. The IMF’s intervention marked the moment the British state dropped the mask and returned openly to serving finance capital. The decades that followed, Thatcherism, deregulation, privatisation, weren’t a break from 1976, but its continuation. Labour, Tory, and every administration since have carried the same flag: managing British capitalism for whichever section of the ruling class holds sway at the time.
Today, the same logic repeats. We’re told the economy is “too fragile” for public spending but stable enough for tax cuts for "investors". We’re told to tighten belts while corporate profits soar and landlords hoard wealth. The IMF’s concern is not Britain’s people, it’s Britain’s bondholders.
"All history is the history of class struggle"
There is no national crisis, only a class one.
Britain’s rulers call in institutions like the IMF not to save the country, but to secure the interests of the same class that caused the crisis. Every new “reform” and “rescue” is simply another way for capital to profit from decay.
The Class Consciousness Project
👍3
Forwarded from Marx Engels Lenin Institute
It is entirely correct to point out that the western left is very heavily influenced by the intellectual war waged by the imperialists.
The seriousness with which this war was waged and the multifaceted approach they took is too little understood by many and I only grasped the full significance of it recently.
What must not be neglected though is the fact that the various poisonous forms of leftism that were promoted by the imperialists were only able to succeed because Khrushchevite revisionism surrendered the ideological struggle almost completely by the end of the 1950s. This created the confusion and demoralisation which could then be exploited by the CIA sponsored left.
The seriousness with which this war was waged and the multifaceted approach they took is too little understood by many and I only grasped the full significance of it recently.
What must not be neglected though is the fact that the various poisonous forms of leftism that were promoted by the imperialists were only able to succeed because Khrushchevite revisionism surrendered the ideological struggle almost completely by the end of the 1950s. This created the confusion and demoralisation which could then be exploited by the CIA sponsored left.