Forwarded from Communism
🔴 Trotsky’s Support for Fascism
Trotsky was one of the first to put Bolshevism and fascism on a par. This idea was popular in the thirties in reactionary Catholic parties. The Communist Party was their sworn enemy, the fascist party was their most important bourgeois opponent. Once again from Trotsky:
“Fascism is winning victory after victory, and his best ally is the one who makes his way around the world, this is Stalinism.”
“Indeed, nothing distinguishes Stalin’s political methods from Hitler. But the difference in results on an international scale is significant.”
“An important part of the Soviet apparatus, which is becoming more and more important, is formed from the fascists who still have to recognize themselves as such. Comparing the Soviet regime with the fascists would be a great historical mistake … But the symmetry of political superstructures and the similarity of totalitarian methods and psychological profiles are striking …
The agony of Stalinism is the most terrible and most disgusting spectacle on Earth.”
Here, Trotsky presented one of the first versions of the most important issue of propaganda by the CIA and the fascists in the 1950s, namely the topic of ‘Red Fascism’. Using the word fascism, Trotsky tried to direct the hatred that the masses felt towards the terrorist dictatorships of big capital onto Socialism. After 1944-1945, all German, Hungarian, Croatian and Ukrainian fascist leaders, who fled to the West, put on masks of “democrats”; they praised the ‘democracy’ of the USA, the new forces of hegemonism, and the main source of support for the reaction and fascist forces in the world. These ‘old” fascists, faithful to their criminal past, developed the same theme: ‘Bolshevism is the same fascism, but even worse.’
Further, we note that by the time European fascism had already begun its wars (in Ethiopia and Spain, the seizure of Austria and Czechoslovakia), Trotsky insisted that ‘the worst and most disgusting performance’ on Earth was the ‘agony of socialism’!
Read the full article here:
https://otheraspect.wordpress.com/2020/02/20/trotskys-support-for-fascism/
Trotsky was one of the first to put Bolshevism and fascism on a par. This idea was popular in the thirties in reactionary Catholic parties. The Communist Party was their sworn enemy, the fascist party was their most important bourgeois opponent. Once again from Trotsky:
“Fascism is winning victory after victory, and his best ally is the one who makes his way around the world, this is Stalinism.”
“Indeed, nothing distinguishes Stalin’s political methods from Hitler. But the difference in results on an international scale is significant.”
“An important part of the Soviet apparatus, which is becoming more and more important, is formed from the fascists who still have to recognize themselves as such. Comparing the Soviet regime with the fascists would be a great historical mistake … But the symmetry of political superstructures and the similarity of totalitarian methods and psychological profiles are striking …
The agony of Stalinism is the most terrible and most disgusting spectacle on Earth.”
Here, Trotsky presented one of the first versions of the most important issue of propaganda by the CIA and the fascists in the 1950s, namely the topic of ‘Red Fascism’. Using the word fascism, Trotsky tried to direct the hatred that the masses felt towards the terrorist dictatorships of big capital onto Socialism. After 1944-1945, all German, Hungarian, Croatian and Ukrainian fascist leaders, who fled to the West, put on masks of “democrats”; they praised the ‘democracy’ of the USA, the new forces of hegemonism, and the main source of support for the reaction and fascist forces in the world. These ‘old” fascists, faithful to their criminal past, developed the same theme: ‘Bolshevism is the same fascism, but even worse.’
Further, we note that by the time European fascism had already begun its wars (in Ethiopia and Spain, the seizure of Austria and Czechoslovakia), Trotsky insisted that ‘the worst and most disgusting performance’ on Earth was the ‘agony of socialism’!
Read the full article here:
https://otheraspect.wordpress.com/2020/02/20/trotskys-support-for-fascism/
Other Aspect
Trotsky’s Support for Fascism
10/07/2019 Adrian Chan-Wyles (PhD) Leftwing Political Analysis One comment Trot-b1081f5fa7b7a05aa7dbef6cec1488f7Trotsky – Collaborator with Fascism! РОЛЬ ТРОЦКОГО В КАНУН ВТОРОЙ МИРОВОЙ ВОЙНЫ…
Forwarded from Communism
I hate the indifferent
By Antonio Gramsci
I hate the indifferent. I believe that living means taking sides. Those who really live cannot help being a citizen and a partisan. Indifference and apathy are parasitism, perversion, not life. That is why I hate the indifferent.
The indifference is the dead weight of history. The indifference operates with great power on history. The indifference operates passively, but it operates. It is fate, that which cannot be counted on. It twists programs and ruins the best-conceived plans. It is the raw material that ruins intelligence. That what happens, the evil that weighs upon all, happens because the human mass abdicates to their will; allows laws to be promulgated that only the revolt could nullify, and leaves men that only a mutiny will be able to overthrow to achieve the power.
The mass ignores because it is careless and then it seems like it is the product of fate that runs over everything and everyone: the one who consents as well as the one who dissents; the one who knew as well as the one who didn’t know; the active as well as the indifferent. Some whimper piously, others curse obscenely, but nobody, or very few ask themselves: If I had tried to impose my will, would this have happened?
I also hate the indifferent because of that: because their whimpering of eternally innocent ones annoys me. I make each one liable: how they have tackled with the task that life has given and gives them every day, what have they done, and especially, what they have not done. And I feel I have the right to be inexorable and not squander my compassion, of not sharing my tears with them. I am a partisan, I am alive, I feel the pulse of the activity of the future city that those on my side are building is alive in their conscience. And in it, the social chain does not rest on a few; nothing of what happens in it is a matter of luck, nor the product of fate, but the intelligent work of the citizens. Nobody in it is looking from the window of the sacrifice and the drain of a few. Alive, I am a partisan.
That is why I hate the ones that don’t take sides, I hate the indifferent.
Indifference is actually the mainspring of history. But in a negative sense. What comes to pass, either the evil that afflicts everyone, or the possible good brought about by an act of general valour, is due not so much to the initiative of the active few, as to the indifference, the absenteeism of the many. What comes to pass does so not so much because a few people want it to happen, as because the mass of citizens abdicate their responsibility and let things be. They allow the knots to form that in time only a sword will be able to cut through; they let men rise to power whom in time only a mutiny will overthrow. The fatality that seems to dominate history is precisely the illusory appearance of this indifference, of this absenteeism. Events are hatched off-stage in the shadows; unchecked hands weave the fabric of collective life – and the masses know nothing. The destinies of an epoch are manipulated in the interests of narrow horizons, of the immediate ends of small groups of activists – and the mass of citizens know nothing.
By Antonio Gramsci
I hate the indifferent. I believe that living means taking sides. Those who really live cannot help being a citizen and a partisan. Indifference and apathy are parasitism, perversion, not life. That is why I hate the indifferent.
The indifference is the dead weight of history. The indifference operates with great power on history. The indifference operates passively, but it operates. It is fate, that which cannot be counted on. It twists programs and ruins the best-conceived plans. It is the raw material that ruins intelligence. That what happens, the evil that weighs upon all, happens because the human mass abdicates to their will; allows laws to be promulgated that only the revolt could nullify, and leaves men that only a mutiny will be able to overthrow to achieve the power.
The mass ignores because it is careless and then it seems like it is the product of fate that runs over everything and everyone: the one who consents as well as the one who dissents; the one who knew as well as the one who didn’t know; the active as well as the indifferent. Some whimper piously, others curse obscenely, but nobody, or very few ask themselves: If I had tried to impose my will, would this have happened?
I also hate the indifferent because of that: because their whimpering of eternally innocent ones annoys me. I make each one liable: how they have tackled with the task that life has given and gives them every day, what have they done, and especially, what they have not done. And I feel I have the right to be inexorable and not squander my compassion, of not sharing my tears with them. I am a partisan, I am alive, I feel the pulse of the activity of the future city that those on my side are building is alive in their conscience. And in it, the social chain does not rest on a few; nothing of what happens in it is a matter of luck, nor the product of fate, but the intelligent work of the citizens. Nobody in it is looking from the window of the sacrifice and the drain of a few. Alive, I am a partisan.
That is why I hate the ones that don’t take sides, I hate the indifferent.
Indifference is actually the mainspring of history. But in a negative sense. What comes to pass, either the evil that afflicts everyone, or the possible good brought about by an act of general valour, is due not so much to the initiative of the active few, as to the indifference, the absenteeism of the many. What comes to pass does so not so much because a few people want it to happen, as because the mass of citizens abdicate their responsibility and let things be. They allow the knots to form that in time only a sword will be able to cut through; they let men rise to power whom in time only a mutiny will overthrow. The fatality that seems to dominate history is precisely the illusory appearance of this indifference, of this absenteeism. Events are hatched off-stage in the shadows; unchecked hands weave the fabric of collective life – and the masses know nothing. The destinies of an epoch are manipulated in the interests of narrow horizons, of the immediate ends of small groups of activists – and the mass of citizens know nothing.
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Forwarded from Communism
But eventually the events that are hatched come out into the open; the fabric woven in the shadows is completed, and then it seems that fatality overwhelms everything and everybody. It seems that history is nothing but an immense natural phenomenon, an eruption, an earthquake, and that we are all its victims, both those who wanted it to happen as well as those who did not, those who knew it would happen and those who did not, those who were active and those who were indifferent. And then it is the indifferent ones who get angry, who wish to dissociate themselves from the consequences, who want it made known that they did not want it so and hence bear no responsibility. And while some whine piteously, and others howl obscenely, few people, if any, ask themselves this question: had I done my duty as a man, had I sought to make my voice heard, to impose my will, would what came to pass have ever happened? But few people, if any, see their indifference as a fault – their skepticism, their failure to give moral and material support to those political and economic groups that were struggling either to avoid a particular evil or to promote a particular good. Instead such people prefer to speak of the failure of ideas, of the definitive collapse of programmes, and other like niceties. They continue in their in-indifference and their skepticism.
August 1916.
August 1916.
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Forwarded from Class Consciousness Project
Capitalism’s gluttony knows no bounds. It churns out mountains of goods, not to meet our needs, but to line the pockets of the few. Yet, while warehouses overflow, millions go without. This is overproduction. A system that creates excess for profit while leaving people hungry, homeless, and in debt.
At the same time, wages are driven down to maximise these profits, leaving the workers unable to afford the very goods they produce. Capitalism cannot be reformed; it must be overthrown. Only revolution can install the ruling class in waiting: the workers.
Class Consciousness Project
At the same time, wages are driven down to maximise these profits, leaving the workers unable to afford the very goods they produce. Capitalism cannot be reformed; it must be overthrown. Only revolution can install the ruling class in waiting: the workers.
Class Consciousness Project
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Forwarded from USSR Pictures
Soviet poster “Youth of the city of Lenin! Volunteer to the front! Defend your freedom, your honor, your homeland!”, 1941
Forwarded from Marx Engels Lenin Institute
A street in the newly constructed district of Pitesti in Romania, 1968
Forwarded from Marx Engels Lenin Institute
It is with great regret comrades that i can confirm that the founder of the CPGB-ML, Comrade Harpal Brar, died this morning at the age of 85.
What Comrade Harpal and his comrades have achieved cannot be underestimated. In the face of an all out assault on Marxism-Leninism from the head of CPSU itself (Khruschev) joining with the trotskyites, the US and British imperialists and all of their academic con men they have not only preserved the tradition in the heart of imperialism itself but added to it and strengthened it for the future.
For many of us who came to the party having been through social democracy/trotskyism Comrade Harpal's work has been invaluable in helping us make sense of our own failures in the past and how to learn and rectify those mistakes to play a part in rebuilding the revolutionary tradition in Britain. Now, we have a real opportunity to build our party and can go forward with deserved confidence in taking the weapon of Marxism-Leninism to our class and arming them with it.
We're it not for his work this project would not be what it has become because I would not have come to Marxism-Leninism and this project would not exist at least in this form.
The best way to honour the legacy of our departed comrade is to continue our work in the manner that he set out for us. The working class need the weapon of Marxism-Leninism in order to achieve true freedom and thanks to Comrade Harpal that tradition has survived for us to take to our class.
A red salute to his memory and legacy.
What Comrade Harpal and his comrades have achieved cannot be underestimated. In the face of an all out assault on Marxism-Leninism from the head of CPSU itself (Khruschev) joining with the trotskyites, the US and British imperialists and all of their academic con men they have not only preserved the tradition in the heart of imperialism itself but added to it and strengthened it for the future.
For many of us who came to the party having been through social democracy/trotskyism Comrade Harpal's work has been invaluable in helping us make sense of our own failures in the past and how to learn and rectify those mistakes to play a part in rebuilding the revolutionary tradition in Britain. Now, we have a real opportunity to build our party and can go forward with deserved confidence in taking the weapon of Marxism-Leninism to our class and arming them with it.
We're it not for his work this project would not be what it has become because I would not have come to Marxism-Leninism and this project would not exist at least in this form.
The best way to honour the legacy of our departed comrade is to continue our work in the manner that he set out for us. The working class need the weapon of Marxism-Leninism in order to achieve true freedom and thanks to Comrade Harpal that tradition has survived for us to take to our class.
A red salute to his memory and legacy.
🫡3❤2🔥1
Forwarded from Class Consciousness Project
Class Consciousness Project
We Only Want The Earth by James Connolly
James Connolly is best known today for his heroic deeds in the Easter Rising of 1916, which ultimately saw him executed by the British imperialists. Connolly though was a man of the working class a…
Forwarded from USSR Pictures
"The bloc of communists and non-party members is indestructible!", soviet poster, 1970
Forwarded from USSR Pictures
Soviet prisoners of war near Gzhatsk, November 1941. Photo by Albert Dieckmann.
120 years since Bloody Sunday.
From the memoirs of the Bolshevik M.N. Lyadov:
"I arrived in St. Petersburg on the morning of January 8. There was a general strike, the streets were deserted, people coming from the opposite direction were especially wary, the shops were closed, their shop windows were boarded up. I ran to the meeting place: none of them were working. I went to my friends' apartment. They told me the details of the movement, about Gapon's letter to Minister Svyatopolk-Mirsky, about the futile attempts to disrupt the march, about the mass arrests among the Social Democrats. I went to look for the organization. I had often been lucky in this regard before. It was enough to walk along Nevsky a couple of times, you were sure to meet someone and thus get in touch in addition to the meeting place. This time I was unlucky: I didn't meet anyone. I went to wander around the workers' districts. I got to Vasilievsky Island, to Gapon's "Department", when it was already dark. There were a lot of people, a crowd in front of the house. The petition to the Tsar was being read and discussed incessantly. The faces were inspired. The most The thick of the working masses is represented here. Deep faith in the rightness of the cause they have started. For this faith the whole mass is ready to go to death, to the greatest torment. Gapon is a symbol for them, the banner of their great, right cause. Is it possible to break this faith, to shake it by anything? No, it is impossible. Individual comrades have tried to speak, to talk, to discuss. All is useless, they do not let them speak. I have also tried to speak. "Go away, you are a stranger, you are not with us." This is a sea that has overflowed its banks. You cannot hold it back with words or persuasion.
I had no doubt for a moment how this whole story would end. A great deal of blood would be shed. But at the same time I was absolutely certain that this once awakened mass would not be able to fall asleep again. This mass would lose its faith and turn into a revolutionary people. I felt with my whole being that our revolution was truly being born. No matter how events unfolded further, the revolution would not die out. I stayed all night in the Vasilievsky department, and went to Palace Square with the masses. It seemed to me that it was impossible to leave the masses now, that I had to go with them on this absurd, insane adventure. I, like everyone else, had no weapons. I was sure that we would inevitably be shot. But at the same time I deeply believed in the inevitable transformation of this peaceful, believing crowd. I saw that many in the crowd were walking, like me, not believing in a successful outcome, but they were walking, because at that time it was impossible not to walk.
It was no surprise to me when we met a detachment of infantry and cavalry at the Palace Bridge. The front ranks stopped, the back ranks continued to move forward in the same reverent mood. When the first volley rang out. I watched the faces of my neighbors. No one showed fear or panic. It was not they that replaced the reverent, almost prayerful expression on their faces, but anger, even hatred. I now saw this expression of hatred, the thirst for revenge, literally on all the faces of young and old, men and women. The revolution was truly born, and it was born in the very thick of the working masses.
One shout after the volleys was enough for the peaceful crowd, which had just been walking along singing church, to rush to break the iron fence of the adjacent front gardens, tear cobblestones from the pavement, and smash the weapons workshop in order to engage in a bloody battle with the tsar's executioners. They immediately began to build a barricade. Part of the crowd moved like an avalanche onto the Neva to get around the soldiers on the ice and get to the square. I went with the crowd. They started shooting at us from the bridge, but the crowd kept going. When we reached Palace Square, almost everything was over there.
From the memoirs of the Bolshevik M.N. Lyadov:
"I arrived in St. Petersburg on the morning of January 8. There was a general strike, the streets were deserted, people coming from the opposite direction were especially wary, the shops were closed, their shop windows were boarded up. I ran to the meeting place: none of them were working. I went to my friends' apartment. They told me the details of the movement, about Gapon's letter to Minister Svyatopolk-Mirsky, about the futile attempts to disrupt the march, about the mass arrests among the Social Democrats. I went to look for the organization. I had often been lucky in this regard before. It was enough to walk along Nevsky a couple of times, you were sure to meet someone and thus get in touch in addition to the meeting place. This time I was unlucky: I didn't meet anyone. I went to wander around the workers' districts. I got to Vasilievsky Island, to Gapon's "Department", when it was already dark. There were a lot of people, a crowd in front of the house. The petition to the Tsar was being read and discussed incessantly. The faces were inspired. The most The thick of the working masses is represented here. Deep faith in the rightness of the cause they have started. For this faith the whole mass is ready to go to death, to the greatest torment. Gapon is a symbol for them, the banner of their great, right cause. Is it possible to break this faith, to shake it by anything? No, it is impossible. Individual comrades have tried to speak, to talk, to discuss. All is useless, they do not let them speak. I have also tried to speak. "Go away, you are a stranger, you are not with us." This is a sea that has overflowed its banks. You cannot hold it back with words or persuasion.
I had no doubt for a moment how this whole story would end. A great deal of blood would be shed. But at the same time I was absolutely certain that this once awakened mass would not be able to fall asleep again. This mass would lose its faith and turn into a revolutionary people. I felt with my whole being that our revolution was truly being born. No matter how events unfolded further, the revolution would not die out. I stayed all night in the Vasilievsky department, and went to Palace Square with the masses. It seemed to me that it was impossible to leave the masses now, that I had to go with them on this absurd, insane adventure. I, like everyone else, had no weapons. I was sure that we would inevitably be shot. But at the same time I deeply believed in the inevitable transformation of this peaceful, believing crowd. I saw that many in the crowd were walking, like me, not believing in a successful outcome, but they were walking, because at that time it was impossible not to walk.
It was no surprise to me when we met a detachment of infantry and cavalry at the Palace Bridge. The front ranks stopped, the back ranks continued to move forward in the same reverent mood. When the first volley rang out. I watched the faces of my neighbors. No one showed fear or panic. It was not they that replaced the reverent, almost prayerful expression on their faces, but anger, even hatred. I now saw this expression of hatred, the thirst for revenge, literally on all the faces of young and old, men and women. The revolution was truly born, and it was born in the very thick of the working masses.
One shout after the volleys was enough for the peaceful crowd, which had just been walking along singing church, to rush to break the iron fence of the adjacent front gardens, tear cobblestones from the pavement, and smash the weapons workshop in order to engage in a bloody battle with the tsar's executioners. They immediately began to build a barricade. Part of the crowd moved like an avalanche onto the Neva to get around the soldiers on the ice and get to the square. I went with the crowd. They started shooting at us from the bridge, but the crowd kept going. When we reached Palace Square, almost everything was over there.
A crowd was running towards us, angry, wild, dragging the dead and wounded. Curses, the most rude curses towards the tsar, reached the officers from everywhere. The officers they met were pushed off the sidewalk and beaten to death. The human stream flooded the entire street. But this was no longer a peaceful crowd."
Lyadov M. N. From the life of the party in 1903-1907. - M., 1956. - P. 71-73.
Source.
Lyadov M. N. From the life of the party in 1903-1907. - M., 1956. - P. 71-73.
Source.
Forwarded from Communism
Works of Frederick Engels 1872
On Authority
Why do the anti-authoritarians not confine themselves to crying out against political authority, the state? All Socialists are agreed that the political state, and with it political authority, will disappear as a result of the coming social revolution, that is, that public functions will lose their political character and will be transformed into the simple administrative functions of watching over the true interests of society. But the anti-authoritarians demand that the political state be abolished at one stroke, even before the social conditions that gave birth to it have been destroyed. They demand that the first act of the social revolution shall be the abolition of authority. Have these gentlemen ever seen a revolution? A revolution is certainly the most authoritarian thing there is; it is the act whereby one part of the population imposes its will upon the other part by means of rifles, bayonets and cannon — authoritarian means, if such there be at all; and if the victorious party does not want to have fought in vain, it must maintain this rule by means of the terror which its arms inspire in the reactionists. Would the Paris Commune have lasted a single day if it had not made use of this authority of the armed people against the bourgeois? Should we not, on the contrary, reproach it for not having used it freely enough?
Therefore, either one of two things: either the anti-authoritarians don't know what they're talking about, in which case they are creating nothing but confusion; or they do know, and in that case they are betraying the movement of the proletariat. In either case they serve the reaction.
Read more:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1872/10/authority.htm
@Communism
On Authority
Why do the anti-authoritarians not confine themselves to crying out against political authority, the state? All Socialists are agreed that the political state, and with it political authority, will disappear as a result of the coming social revolution, that is, that public functions will lose their political character and will be transformed into the simple administrative functions of watching over the true interests of society. But the anti-authoritarians demand that the political state be abolished at one stroke, even before the social conditions that gave birth to it have been destroyed. They demand that the first act of the social revolution shall be the abolition of authority. Have these gentlemen ever seen a revolution? A revolution is certainly the most authoritarian thing there is; it is the act whereby one part of the population imposes its will upon the other part by means of rifles, bayonets and cannon — authoritarian means, if such there be at all; and if the victorious party does not want to have fought in vain, it must maintain this rule by means of the terror which its arms inspire in the reactionists. Would the Paris Commune have lasted a single day if it had not made use of this authority of the armed people against the bourgeois? Should we not, on the contrary, reproach it for not having used it freely enough?
Therefore, either one of two things: either the anti-authoritarians don't know what they're talking about, in which case they are creating nothing but confusion; or they do know, and in that case they are betraying the movement of the proletariat. In either case they serve the reaction.
Read more:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1872/10/authority.htm
#FrederickEngels #Engels #RevolutionaryRealities #Proletariat
@Communism
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To decide once every few years which members of the ruling class is to repress and crush the people through parliament--this is the real essence of bourgeois parliamentarism, not only in parliamentary- constitutional monarchies, but also in the most democratic republics.
Vladimir Lenin
The State and Revolution
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Forwarded from TASS Russian news agency
❗️Russian President Vladimir Putin has congratulated Alexander Lukashenko on re-election as Belarusian president, the Kremlin said.
"The convincing election win clearly indicates your high political authority as well as the undisputed support of the population for the policy course being pursued by Belarus,” the Russian leader said in a message of congratulations to Lukashenko.
Behind the New Iron Curtain, by Marzio G. Mian, Translated by Elettra Pauletto
https://harpers.org/archive/2024/01/behind-the-new-iron-curtain/
https://harpers.org/archive/2024/01/behind-the-new-iron-curtain/
Harper's Magazine
Behind the New Iron Curtain
Caviar, counterculture, and the cult of Stalin reborn
Forwarded from Marx Engels Lenin Institute
For the first time since 2001, the second place among real candidates was taken not by a liberal, nationalist or any other puppet from abroad, but by a supporter of deepening socialist reforms of Alexander Lukashenko. This shows that Belarusian society after 2020 received the necessary vaccination against these viruses. Liberalism and nationalism have become unacceptable among the citizens of Belarus. It is clear that we are approaching the implementation of those provisions of our program when these social ills will be completely eradicated and eradicated from the life of our society.
Sergei Syrankov - Communist Party of Belarus
Forwarded from The Islander
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🇷🇸 Serbia in the Crosshairs: Another Color Revolution in Progress?
Another night, another Western-backed spectacle. Thousands take to the streets of Belgrade, chanting for the resignation of President Aleksandar Vučić. But let’s cut through the fog of the protest banners and media spin, this isn’t a grassroots movement. It’s the same tired color revolution playbook we’ve seen from Tbilisi to Bratislava, now unleashed on Serbia.
Why Serbia? Because Vučić refuses to kowtow to the empire. He’s resisted sanctions on Russia, maintained Serbia’s neutrality, and refuses to sell out Kosovo for a pat on the back from Brussels or Washington. For the empire, Serbia’s refusal to submit makes it a target. Cue the NGOs, media blitz, and choreographed “popular uprisings” aimed at destabilizing the government and replacing it with another obedient vassal regime.
This is hybrid warfare at its finest: weaponize grievances, amplify division, and push for regime change under the guise of democracy. The noscript is predictable, protests escalate, Western media amplifies the chaos, and “civil society” demands reform. But make no mistake, this is not about democracy. It’s about breaking Serbia’s resistance to NATO expansion and severing its ties with Moscow.
For Serbia, the stakes couldn’t be higher. The empire wants a pliant Serbia, one that surrenders Kosovo and turns its back on centuries-old ties to Russia. But the people of Serbia know the game; they’ve seen this before in Ukraine, Georgia, and beyond. Will Belgrade bend, or will it stand strong in the face of yet another imperial assault?
🎙Subscribe @TheIslanderNews
Another night, another Western-backed spectacle. Thousands take to the streets of Belgrade, chanting for the resignation of President Aleksandar Vučić. But let’s cut through the fog of the protest banners and media spin, this isn’t a grassroots movement. It’s the same tired color revolution playbook we’ve seen from Tbilisi to Bratislava, now unleashed on Serbia.
Why Serbia? Because Vučić refuses to kowtow to the empire. He’s resisted sanctions on Russia, maintained Serbia’s neutrality, and refuses to sell out Kosovo for a pat on the back from Brussels or Washington. For the empire, Serbia’s refusal to submit makes it a target. Cue the NGOs, media blitz, and choreographed “popular uprisings” aimed at destabilizing the government and replacing it with another obedient vassal regime.
This is hybrid warfare at its finest: weaponize grievances, amplify division, and push for regime change under the guise of democracy. The noscript is predictable, protests escalate, Western media amplifies the chaos, and “civil society” demands reform. But make no mistake, this is not about democracy. It’s about breaking Serbia’s resistance to NATO expansion and severing its ties with Moscow.
For Serbia, the stakes couldn’t be higher. The empire wants a pliant Serbia, one that surrenders Kosovo and turns its back on centuries-old ties to Russia. But the people of Serbia know the game; they’ve seen this before in Ukraine, Georgia, and beyond. Will Belgrade bend, or will it stand strong in the face of yet another imperial assault?
🎙Subscribe @TheIslanderNews
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