The forum ultimately functioned as a venue to advance the broader Kurdish political agenda, highlighting the imperative for unity among various factions and a coordinated approach to securing political representation in Syria.
Continuous development:
- In Idlib dozens of teachers gathered outside the Idlib Education Directorate, holding banners calling for the dismissal of the Minister of Education and accusing him of “deliberately neglecting” the deteriorating state of education.
- In Suwayda Governorate, a group of women activists launched on Saturday a new women-led political movement to support “the cause of abducted women and document the violations” committed in the Jabal al-Arab region.
- The Syrian government launched judicial proceedings against 14 defendants involved in the Alawite massacres. The defendants face charges including sedition, sectarian incitement, and premeditated murder of civilians. 563 suspects have been referred to the judiciary.
Continuous development:
- In Idlib dozens of teachers gathered outside the Idlib Education Directorate, holding banners calling for the dismissal of the Minister of Education and accusing him of “deliberately neglecting” the deteriorating state of education.
- In Suwayda Governorate, a group of women activists launched on Saturday a new women-led political movement to support “the cause of abducted women and document the violations” committed in the Jabal al-Arab region.
- The Syrian government launched judicial proceedings against 14 defendants involved in the Alawite massacres. The defendants face charges including sedition, sectarian incitement, and premeditated murder of civilians. 563 suspects have been referred to the judiciary.
Evaluation
One of the drone operators fighting for the Syrian government was recorded with an ISIS patch on his plate carrier. SDF released the statement pointing out the danger of involving those fighters in government forces, shedding light on the legitimization of jihadist fighters by the state military aparatus. The credibility and veracity of these claims are contested by some US media, who argue that some fighters who are not connected to ISIS also sometimes wear the black and white patch.
While we don't see much point in debating those media, we would like to share perspective on the history of disinformation politics led by the US. Historically, the american imperialist state has demonstrated its capacity to fabricate "truth" from thin air to oppose revolutionary movements around the world.
In "Understanding Power," Noam Chomsky discusses the example of the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua, detailing the extensive campaign led by US entities to discredit the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). Mainstream media outlets propagated misleading information about the FSLN’s governance, questioned the political rights of opposition groups and the existence of press freedoms, even denied that legitimate elections had occurred. The guerillas defending Nicaragua against US proxies - the Contras - were branded "Extremists Out of Control" and accused of committing atrocities.
This strategic disinformation was aimed at justifying the US-backed Contras’ so-called "war for democracy" portraying them as defenders against a supposed communist threat.
Of course, none of those allegations were true; the states of Latin America described by the american press at the time as "democratic", states like El Salvador and
Guatemala, were in fact authoritarian regimes backed by the US to suppress popular revolutionary movements. As Chomsky explained in his book: "In El Salvador and Guatemala, the governments are run by the military for the benefit of the local oligarchies - the landowners, rich businessmen, and rising professionals - and those people are tied up with the United States, so therefore those countries are 'democracies.' It doesn't matter if they blow up the independent press, kill off the political opposition, slaughter tens of thousands of people, and never run anything remotely like a free election, all of that is totally irrelevant. They're 'democracies,' because the right people are running them; if the right people aren't running them, then they're not 'democracies.'"
US politics may have evolved and changed since the times of the Sandinistas, but the essence of their strategy remains the same: elevating an authoritarian ruler while creating a narrative that positions him as a "champion of democracy." The many civilians massacred by Jolani's forces in Latakia and Suweida, the number of New Syrian Army fighters who cut their teeth in jihadist groups including ISIS, and the consequences of the Syrian Transitional Government's policies on the Syrian people are inconsequential. The only thing holding significance here is the alignment of the Syrian government with US interests; only then will the facade of "democracy" be stamped onto their Islamist regime.
It is in this context that the revolution in NES decided to take the path of political struggle, aiming for unity in Syria and calling for an end to the bloodshed. While this proves to be a long and difficult path, it is based on the belief that another reality, free from authoritarian regimes supported by the imperialists powers of the world, is possible. No guarantees offered by those states could ever answer the need of the revolution to defend itself.
Long live the revolution! 🖤
One of the drone operators fighting for the Syrian government was recorded with an ISIS patch on his plate carrier. SDF released the statement pointing out the danger of involving those fighters in government forces, shedding light on the legitimization of jihadist fighters by the state military aparatus. The credibility and veracity of these claims are contested by some US media, who argue that some fighters who are not connected to ISIS also sometimes wear the black and white patch.
While we don't see much point in debating those media, we would like to share perspective on the history of disinformation politics led by the US. Historically, the american imperialist state has demonstrated its capacity to fabricate "truth" from thin air to oppose revolutionary movements around the world.
In "Understanding Power," Noam Chomsky discusses the example of the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua, detailing the extensive campaign led by US entities to discredit the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). Mainstream media outlets propagated misleading information about the FSLN’s governance, questioned the political rights of opposition groups and the existence of press freedoms, even denied that legitimate elections had occurred. The guerillas defending Nicaragua against US proxies - the Contras - were branded "Extremists Out of Control" and accused of committing atrocities.
This strategic disinformation was aimed at justifying the US-backed Contras’ so-called "war for democracy" portraying them as defenders against a supposed communist threat.
Of course, none of those allegations were true; the states of Latin America described by the american press at the time as "democratic", states like El Salvador and
Guatemala, were in fact authoritarian regimes backed by the US to suppress popular revolutionary movements. As Chomsky explained in his book: "In El Salvador and Guatemala, the governments are run by the military for the benefit of the local oligarchies - the landowners, rich businessmen, and rising professionals - and those people are tied up with the United States, so therefore those countries are 'democracies.' It doesn't matter if they blow up the independent press, kill off the political opposition, slaughter tens of thousands of people, and never run anything remotely like a free election, all of that is totally irrelevant. They're 'democracies,' because the right people are running them; if the right people aren't running them, then they're not 'democracies.'"
US politics may have evolved and changed since the times of the Sandinistas, but the essence of their strategy remains the same: elevating an authoritarian ruler while creating a narrative that positions him as a "champion of democracy." The many civilians massacred by Jolani's forces in Latakia and Suweida, the number of New Syrian Army fighters who cut their teeth in jihadist groups including ISIS, and the consequences of the Syrian Transitional Government's policies on the Syrian people are inconsequential. The only thing holding significance here is the alignment of the Syrian government with US interests; only then will the facade of "democracy" be stamped onto their Islamist regime.
It is in this context that the revolution in NES decided to take the path of political struggle, aiming for unity in Syria and calling for an end to the bloodshed. While this proves to be a long and difficult path, it is based on the belief that another reality, free from authoritarian regimes supported by the imperialists powers of the world, is possible. No guarantees offered by those states could ever answer the need of the revolution to defend itself.
Long live the revolution! 🖤
👏5
Weekly Highlights 24.11.25 - 30.11.25
Demonstrations in Syria’s coastal areas Alawite cities
On Tuesday, demonstrations erupted in Syria’s coastal region, primarily inhabited by the Alawite community. These protests were catalyzed by a call from Ghazal Ghazal, the spiritual leader of the Supreme Alawite Council in Syria, who urged citizens to advocate for "federalism and political decentralization, an end to ethnic cleansing, killing, kidnapping, and captivity, as well as the liberation of prisoners from detention facilities."
Coordinated demonstrations unfolded in cities and towns including Jableh, Tartus, Baniyas, and surrounding regions. Security forces intervened in several locations to disperse the gatherings, resulting in clashes with protestors.
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) issued a statement warning that civilians and peaceful demonstrators are experiencing "direct targeting,".
It asserted that assaults on protesters advocating for their legitimate rights, coupled with the deployment of armed factions represent “systematic practices aimed at undermining civil peace and fueling discord among Syrians.”
On Wednesday, the residents of the city of Suwayda organized a solidarity stands in support of the protests. Suweidawi activists affirmed that the gathering comes as “a continuation of the movement that has been ongoing for more than two years.”
Raising tensions between Alawite community and sunni bedouin tribe in Homs
On November 23, unidentified assailants murdered a Sunni Bedouin couple from the Bani Khaled tribe in the western outskirts of Homs City. These assailants inscribed sectarian slogans in the victims' blood on the home's walls. One of these innoscriptions included “Ya Hussein,” a phrase associated with Shia communities and utilized by Alawites as well.
In retaliation for the murders, members of the tribe of the victims targeted homes in the predominantly Alawite Muhajreen neighborhood. The General Security Service (GSS) established a cordon, attempting to inhibit the outbreak of violence. The Bani Khaled tribesmen breached the GSS cordon and conducted assaults on both Alawite and Sunni residences. The GSS reasserted control only after the Syrian Ministry of Defense (MoD) deployed additional personnel to the area.
Following the events, the GSS instituted a temporary curfew over Homs City. The Homs Health Directorate reported 18 injuries in Homs City on November 23 but did not confirm any fatalities.
There has been a notable escalation in sectarian violence targeting Alawite communities in Western Homs City: four Alawite civilians have been killed in sectarian-motivated assaults between October 25 and November 22. In May 2025, unidentified masked gunmen have specifically focused on Alawites in Western Homs City, executing a series of sectarian attacks since the onset of 2025.
IOF operation in Beit Jinn
On November 28, the Israel Occupation Forces (IOF) bombed the village of Beit Jinn, located at the south of Damascus, near Quneitra region. The bombing followed a ground operation aiming at apprehending some members of al Jamaa al Islamiyya, a faction that has a history of military engagement with IOF in southern Lebanon. During the course of the detainment operation, Israeli forces encountered resistance. Syrian media indicated that the operation resulted in the deaths of 13 villagers and injuries to 20 others, with six injured Israeli soldiers.
Following the events, the Syrian Foreign Minister condemned the ongoing Israeli military operations in Syria, asserting that such activities jeopardize regional stability and security.
The Israeli Defense Minister stated that the nation is currently “not on track” toward achieving peace with Syria. He elaborated on the presence of various armed factions, including the Houthis, operating in southern Syria, signaling potential preparations for a ground offensive into the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights.
Demonstrations in Syria’s coastal areas Alawite cities
On Tuesday, demonstrations erupted in Syria’s coastal region, primarily inhabited by the Alawite community. These protests were catalyzed by a call from Ghazal Ghazal, the spiritual leader of the Supreme Alawite Council in Syria, who urged citizens to advocate for "federalism and political decentralization, an end to ethnic cleansing, killing, kidnapping, and captivity, as well as the liberation of prisoners from detention facilities."
Coordinated demonstrations unfolded in cities and towns including Jableh, Tartus, Baniyas, and surrounding regions. Security forces intervened in several locations to disperse the gatherings, resulting in clashes with protestors.
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) issued a statement warning that civilians and peaceful demonstrators are experiencing "direct targeting,".
It asserted that assaults on protesters advocating for their legitimate rights, coupled with the deployment of armed factions represent “systematic practices aimed at undermining civil peace and fueling discord among Syrians.”
On Wednesday, the residents of the city of Suwayda organized a solidarity stands in support of the protests. Suweidawi activists affirmed that the gathering comes as “a continuation of the movement that has been ongoing for more than two years.”
Raising tensions between Alawite community and sunni bedouin tribe in Homs
On November 23, unidentified assailants murdered a Sunni Bedouin couple from the Bani Khaled tribe in the western outskirts of Homs City. These assailants inscribed sectarian slogans in the victims' blood on the home's walls. One of these innoscriptions included “Ya Hussein,” a phrase associated with Shia communities and utilized by Alawites as well.
In retaliation for the murders, members of the tribe of the victims targeted homes in the predominantly Alawite Muhajreen neighborhood. The General Security Service (GSS) established a cordon, attempting to inhibit the outbreak of violence. The Bani Khaled tribesmen breached the GSS cordon and conducted assaults on both Alawite and Sunni residences. The GSS reasserted control only after the Syrian Ministry of Defense (MoD) deployed additional personnel to the area.
Following the events, the GSS instituted a temporary curfew over Homs City. The Homs Health Directorate reported 18 injuries in Homs City on November 23 but did not confirm any fatalities.
There has been a notable escalation in sectarian violence targeting Alawite communities in Western Homs City: four Alawite civilians have been killed in sectarian-motivated assaults between October 25 and November 22. In May 2025, unidentified masked gunmen have specifically focused on Alawites in Western Homs City, executing a series of sectarian attacks since the onset of 2025.
IOF operation in Beit Jinn
On November 28, the Israel Occupation Forces (IOF) bombed the village of Beit Jinn, located at the south of Damascus, near Quneitra region. The bombing followed a ground operation aiming at apprehending some members of al Jamaa al Islamiyya, a faction that has a history of military engagement with IOF in southern Lebanon. During the course of the detainment operation, Israeli forces encountered resistance. Syrian media indicated that the operation resulted in the deaths of 13 villagers and injuries to 20 others, with six injured Israeli soldiers.
Following the events, the Syrian Foreign Minister condemned the ongoing Israeli military operations in Syria, asserting that such activities jeopardize regional stability and security.
The Israeli Defense Minister stated that the nation is currently “not on track” toward achieving peace with Syria. He elaborated on the presence of various armed factions, including the Houthis, operating in southern Syria, signaling potential preparations for a ground offensive into the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights.
❤2
Syria - PRC
On November 17, Syrian Foreign Affairs Minister met for the first time with People's Republic of China (PRC) Foreign Affairs Minister in Beijing.
Minister Shaibani affirmed Syria's commitment to preventing any entity from utilizing Syrian territory as a base for activities that could compromise PRC interests. In response, Minister Wang indicated that Beijing is considering the involvement in the economic reconstruction of Syria. He also referenced the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), an anti-PRC Uyghur militant group.
The formal integration of Uyghur militants into the ranks of the new Syrian army poses concerns for the PRC. Many of these militants have aspirations of returning to PRC armed with combat experience and networks, aiming to launch an insurgency against the PRC.
Historically, the PRC has cooperated closely with the Assad regime on counterterrorism initiatives targeting the ETIM. It is likely that PRC policy towards the new Syrian government will condition economic involvement in Syria’s reconstruction on the continuation of counterterrorism cooperation with Syria, specifically targeting Uyghur militants operating within the region.
Following the meeting, a diplomatic Syrian source told that the Syrian Transitional Government “intends to hand over 400 Uyghur fighters to China based on a Chinese request and in several batches.” This information was denied by the Syrian government.
Continuous development:
- Clashes erupted in Suwayda as government forces report casualties. The “National Guard” in Suweida claimed that the government forces had violated the ceasefire in the western countryside of the city.
- The Syrian Kurdish National Council (ENKS) announced on Saturday night that it is following “with deep concern” recent celebrations called on by Al-Sharaa, warning that the rhetoric expressed at these events “took on racist and sectarian dimensions.”
On November 17, Syrian Foreign Affairs Minister met for the first time with People's Republic of China (PRC) Foreign Affairs Minister in Beijing.
Minister Shaibani affirmed Syria's commitment to preventing any entity from utilizing Syrian territory as a base for activities that could compromise PRC interests. In response, Minister Wang indicated that Beijing is considering the involvement in the economic reconstruction of Syria. He also referenced the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), an anti-PRC Uyghur militant group.
The formal integration of Uyghur militants into the ranks of the new Syrian army poses concerns for the PRC. Many of these militants have aspirations of returning to PRC armed with combat experience and networks, aiming to launch an insurgency against the PRC.
Historically, the PRC has cooperated closely with the Assad regime on counterterrorism initiatives targeting the ETIM. It is likely that PRC policy towards the new Syrian government will condition economic involvement in Syria’s reconstruction on the continuation of counterterrorism cooperation with Syria, specifically targeting Uyghur militants operating within the region.
Following the meeting, a diplomatic Syrian source told that the Syrian Transitional Government “intends to hand over 400 Uyghur fighters to China based on a Chinese request and in several batches.” This information was denied by the Syrian government.
Continuous development:
- Clashes erupted in Suwayda as government forces report casualties. The “National Guard” in Suweida claimed that the government forces had violated the ceasefire in the western countryside of the city.
- The Syrian Kurdish National Council (ENKS) announced on Saturday night that it is following “with deep concern” recent celebrations called on by Al-Sharaa, warning that the rhetoric expressed at these events “took on racist and sectarian dimensions.”
❤1
Evaluation
The 10 March deadline for the ceasefire is drawing ever closer, but the stalled negotiations do not inspire confidence that the tensions between the New Syrian Government and the Autonomous Administration of the Syrian Democratic Forces will be resolved through diplomatic means. The people are protesting, the DAANES consequentially rejects the idea of a unified Arab Syria proposed by Jolani, and the government itself is not ready for the ideas of federalisation and coexistence of peoples and cultures on the basis of equality and women's liberation.
The hegemonic force’s strategy for peaceful resolution of the ‘Kurdish problem’ is clearly ineffective in Syria. The peace talks that began in early 2025 may have seemed naive and untrustworthy, but they gave the SDF enough time to analyse the situation and plan their steps, and they significantly reduced Jolani's ability to act. The Syrian government has been backed into a corner: it must behave appropriately in order not to lose the recognition of the world's leading powers. The global neoliberal system dictates its own rules, according to which open support for radical jihadism is unacceptable, which significantly limits Jolani's options, leaving him with only minor armed provocations against the SDF and vague statements. Meanwhile these peoples in Syria who currently don’t have the tools for independent self-defense, face brutal attacks of government fighters. Ongoing lack of autonomy and self-defense for Druze and Alawite peoples leads to their systematic murder.
Against this backdrop, the northwest appears to be a much more stable region of Syria than any other. Of course, the situation here is also diverse, but in general, the Autonomous Administration and other self-governing bodies manage to ensure conditions for the continuation of revolutionary changes, despite constant military tension, threats of invasion from Turkey, the Syrian government and ISIS, and economic difficulties.
And, of course, we cannot fail to mention an important date this week — 27 November, the day the PKK was founded. All year long, history has been unfolding before our eyes: the dissolution of the party that made the revolution in North-East Syria possible, the adjustment of Öcalan's paradigm, the guerrillas' exit from the mountains of North Kurdistan. Here we would like to note how the ability to critically assess reality and change can help in the realisation of a revolutionary project. The history of the PKK is long and has its dark pages, but as anarchists, we cannot help but respect this ability to acknowledge mistakes, to shift from the Marxist-Leninist paradigm towards libertarian socialism and democratic confederalism, and to understand the party as a tool for achieving revolutionary change, rather than an end in itself.
On this day, celebrations were held throughout north-eastern Syria. For the people here, the PKK is not just an organization, it is a symbol of liberation and unity among peoples. With the dissolution of the PKK, the banner of freedom is finally passing from the party that became a symbol into the hands of a huge number of revolutionaries in this region and around the world.
Revolutionary greetings! 🖤
The 10 March deadline for the ceasefire is drawing ever closer, but the stalled negotiations do not inspire confidence that the tensions between the New Syrian Government and the Autonomous Administration of the Syrian Democratic Forces will be resolved through diplomatic means. The people are protesting, the DAANES consequentially rejects the idea of a unified Arab Syria proposed by Jolani, and the government itself is not ready for the ideas of federalisation and coexistence of peoples and cultures on the basis of equality and women's liberation.
The hegemonic force’s strategy for peaceful resolution of the ‘Kurdish problem’ is clearly ineffective in Syria. The peace talks that began in early 2025 may have seemed naive and untrustworthy, but they gave the SDF enough time to analyse the situation and plan their steps, and they significantly reduced Jolani's ability to act. The Syrian government has been backed into a corner: it must behave appropriately in order not to lose the recognition of the world's leading powers. The global neoliberal system dictates its own rules, according to which open support for radical jihadism is unacceptable, which significantly limits Jolani's options, leaving him with only minor armed provocations against the SDF and vague statements. Meanwhile these peoples in Syria who currently don’t have the tools for independent self-defense, face brutal attacks of government fighters. Ongoing lack of autonomy and self-defense for Druze and Alawite peoples leads to their systematic murder.
Against this backdrop, the northwest appears to be a much more stable region of Syria than any other. Of course, the situation here is also diverse, but in general, the Autonomous Administration and other self-governing bodies manage to ensure conditions for the continuation of revolutionary changes, despite constant military tension, threats of invasion from Turkey, the Syrian government and ISIS, and economic difficulties.
And, of course, we cannot fail to mention an important date this week — 27 November, the day the PKK was founded. All year long, history has been unfolding before our eyes: the dissolution of the party that made the revolution in North-East Syria possible, the adjustment of Öcalan's paradigm, the guerrillas' exit from the mountains of North Kurdistan. Here we would like to note how the ability to critically assess reality and change can help in the realisation of a revolutionary project. The history of the PKK is long and has its dark pages, but as anarchists, we cannot help but respect this ability to acknowledge mistakes, to shift from the Marxist-Leninist paradigm towards libertarian socialism and democratic confederalism, and to understand the party as a tool for achieving revolutionary change, rather than an end in itself.
On this day, celebrations were held throughout north-eastern Syria. For the people here, the PKK is not just an organization, it is a symbol of liberation and unity among peoples. With the dissolution of the PKK, the banner of freedom is finally passing from the party that became a symbol into the hands of a huge number of revolutionaries in this region and around the world.
Revolutionary greetings! 🖤
❤3
Weekly Highlights 01.12.25 - 07.12.25
Abdullah Ocala proposal for SDF disarmament
On November 24, Abdullah Ocalan proposed a plan for the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the Syrian Ministry of Defense (MoD) to Turkish parliament members engaged in the PKK disarmament dialogue. This plan stipulates that the SDF should join the Syrian military while retaining its own internal security apparatus.
This announcement represents the first call from Ocalan for the SDF to assimilate into the Syrian military structure while preserving its internal security forces. In February 2025, Ocalan asserted that “all [PKK] groups must lay [down] their arms,” a statement interpreted by Turkish officials as a directive for the SDF to disarm and integrate into the Syrian transitional government under the MoD.
SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi asserted that it “applies solely to the PKK [and is not] applicable to our situation in Syria.” Ocalan’s newly articulated vision aligns more closely with Abdi’s advocacy for a decentralized Syrian state, allowing the SDF to maintain local security governance in northeastern Syria.
AKP push for SDF to hand over strategical assets
On December 2, an AKP spokeperson indicated that Turkey may reassess its classification of the SDF as a “terrorist organization,” at the condition that SDF hands over critical resources and infrastructure to the Syrian government as part of its reintegration into the Syrian state.
The spokesperson also stated that the SDF would effectively “cease to be a threat to Turkey and a terrorist organization” if it submits control of strategic assets—including airports, border crossings, and oil fields—to the Syrian government.
This transfer of pivotal resources and infrastructure is a strategic maneuver to undermine the SDF's influence in NES, as it would restrict it's access to the Turkish border and curtail its revenue streams from oil operations. Both Turkey and the Syrian government have asserted that the SDF must fully integrate into the Syrian state by year’s end. A potential shift in Turkey’s threat assessment could imply that Turkey may be anticipating the SDF's adherence to the March 10 agreement.
Suweida National Guard carries out political arrests, killings and torture of prominent Druze figures
On November 28, the Suwayda National Guard executed a series of arrests and killings targeting notable Druze figures within Suweida Province. The Druze militia coalition apprehended ten individuals, accusing them of organizing a “conspiracy” in cooperation with the Syrian transitional government. Among those arrested were several influential figures of the Druze community.
On November 29, members of the Suweida National Guard recorded acts of torture against Sheikh Matni. His corpse, displaying evident signs of torture, was delivered to the entrance of Suweida City Hospital on December 2. Sheikh Matni had played a pivotal role in establishing the Suweida Military Council in February 2025, a Druze militia that confronted transitional government forces amid the intercommunal violence of July 2025. Matni maintained a close relationship with Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri; however, tensions arose following Matni's opposition to Hijri’s initiative to form the Suweida National Guard. Pro-government sources claim that Matni was arrested for advocating a negotiated settlement with the Syrian transitional government.
Abdullah Ocala proposal for SDF disarmament
On November 24, Abdullah Ocalan proposed a plan for the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the Syrian Ministry of Defense (MoD) to Turkish parliament members engaged in the PKK disarmament dialogue. This plan stipulates that the SDF should join the Syrian military while retaining its own internal security apparatus.
This announcement represents the first call from Ocalan for the SDF to assimilate into the Syrian military structure while preserving its internal security forces. In February 2025, Ocalan asserted that “all [PKK] groups must lay [down] their arms,” a statement interpreted by Turkish officials as a directive for the SDF to disarm and integrate into the Syrian transitional government under the MoD.
SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi asserted that it “applies solely to the PKK [and is not] applicable to our situation in Syria.” Ocalan’s newly articulated vision aligns more closely with Abdi’s advocacy for a decentralized Syrian state, allowing the SDF to maintain local security governance in northeastern Syria.
AKP push for SDF to hand over strategical assets
On December 2, an AKP spokeperson indicated that Turkey may reassess its classification of the SDF as a “terrorist organization,” at the condition that SDF hands over critical resources and infrastructure to the Syrian government as part of its reintegration into the Syrian state.
The spokesperson also stated that the SDF would effectively “cease to be a threat to Turkey and a terrorist organization” if it submits control of strategic assets—including airports, border crossings, and oil fields—to the Syrian government.
This transfer of pivotal resources and infrastructure is a strategic maneuver to undermine the SDF's influence in NES, as it would restrict it's access to the Turkish border and curtail its revenue streams from oil operations. Both Turkey and the Syrian government have asserted that the SDF must fully integrate into the Syrian state by year’s end. A potential shift in Turkey’s threat assessment could imply that Turkey may be anticipating the SDF's adherence to the March 10 agreement.
Suweida National Guard carries out political arrests, killings and torture of prominent Druze figures
On November 28, the Suwayda National Guard executed a series of arrests and killings targeting notable Druze figures within Suweida Province. The Druze militia coalition apprehended ten individuals, accusing them of organizing a “conspiracy” in cooperation with the Syrian transitional government. Among those arrested were several influential figures of the Druze community.
On November 29, members of the Suweida National Guard recorded acts of torture against Sheikh Matni. His corpse, displaying evident signs of torture, was delivered to the entrance of Suweida City Hospital on December 2. Sheikh Matni had played a pivotal role in establishing the Suweida Military Council in February 2025, a Druze militia that confronted transitional government forces amid the intercommunal violence of July 2025. Matni maintained a close relationship with Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri; however, tensions arose following Matni's opposition to Hijri’s initiative to form the Suweida National Guard. Pro-government sources claim that Matni was arrested for advocating a negotiated settlement with the Syrian transitional government.
One year after the fall of Bashar Al-Assad
December 8 will mark one year since the fall of the Assad regime. Many celebrations have already taken place in Syria. On December 6, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) issued a decree forbidding celebrations on the 7th and 8th of the month. The decree stipulated that the decision was made for security reasons, citing the recent rise in terrorist attacks.
While it is true that the recent decision of the Syrian transitional government to join the anti-ISIS coalition has bolstered Islamist group activities, it is likely that the AANES's decision to forbid celebrations for the first anniversary of the fall of Assad is motivated by a desire to maintain public order. The deadline for the negotiations regarding AANES and SDF integration into the Syrian state is approaching. In these times of tension, the AANES might be attempting to avoid protests that would oppose its governance in Northeast Syria, thereby impacting its capacity to defend its right to autonomy.
Continuous developments:
- Former senior Assad regime officials are funding and equipping clandestine networks in Syria to conduct insurgent activity against the Syrian transitional government. Many of the fighters organized by those senior Assad regime officials are "ghost soldiers," lacking genuine loyalty and primarily seeking financial support.
- On December 3, the Syrian General Security Service (GSS) confiscated multiple improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and various munitions from an ISIS safe house located near Damascus. This operation is part of ongoing counter-ISIS efforts of the syrian government, which have dismantled several ISIS IED manufacturing sites in the region.
- On November 27 and 28, ISIS claimed responsibility for three attacks within Syrian government-controlled territory. This marks the group's first acknowledgment of attacks in this region since May 2025, likely answering to Syria's recent decision to join the Global Coalition Against ISIS.
December 8 will mark one year since the fall of the Assad regime. Many celebrations have already taken place in Syria. On December 6, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) issued a decree forbidding celebrations on the 7th and 8th of the month. The decree stipulated that the decision was made for security reasons, citing the recent rise in terrorist attacks.
While it is true that the recent decision of the Syrian transitional government to join the anti-ISIS coalition has bolstered Islamist group activities, it is likely that the AANES's decision to forbid celebrations for the first anniversary of the fall of Assad is motivated by a desire to maintain public order. The deadline for the negotiations regarding AANES and SDF integration into the Syrian state is approaching. In these times of tension, the AANES might be attempting to avoid protests that would oppose its governance in Northeast Syria, thereby impacting its capacity to defend its right to autonomy.
Continuous developments:
- Former senior Assad regime officials are funding and equipping clandestine networks in Syria to conduct insurgent activity against the Syrian transitional government. Many of the fighters organized by those senior Assad regime officials are "ghost soldiers," lacking genuine loyalty and primarily seeking financial support.
- On December 3, the Syrian General Security Service (GSS) confiscated multiple improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and various munitions from an ISIS safe house located near Damascus. This operation is part of ongoing counter-ISIS efforts of the syrian government, which have dismantled several ISIS IED manufacturing sites in the region.
- On November 27 and 28, ISIS claimed responsibility for three attacks within Syrian government-controlled territory. This marks the group's first acknowledgment of attacks in this region since May 2025, likely answering to Syria's recent decision to join the Global Coalition Against ISIS.
A year after Assad
For a year now, we have been publishing regular reports on the situation in Syria and our assessment of it. Even when you are in the region, it is often difficult to untangle the web of events unfolding there — a year ago, we called it 4D chess. And that is still how it feels today: Syria is the object of interest for many countries of various stripes, each of which is trying to grab its piece of influence, taking advantage of the turbulent situation caused by the fall of Assad's dictatorial regime.
The balance of power in the region shifted rapidly, with Russia and Iran's influence virtually disappearing immediately after Damascus was captured by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham militants. Now that Syria is ruled by former Al-Nusra militants led by Jolani, the United States has become much more involved in all matters of the state. This is particularly evident when it comes to negotiations: America has taken on the role of ‘facilitator’ in the dialogue between Damascus and north-eastern Syria. Turkey was initially at the center of events, sponsoring the march on Damascus and, taking advantage of the opportunity, directing SNA attacks on the autonomous region.
Syria under Jolani has already suffered enormous losses. Thousands of civilians killed in massacres involving government forces, first on the coast in Latakia and then in the south in Suwayda, were not victims of circumstances, but of the consistent policy of fundamentalists. The new regime did not keep us waiting; it showed its true colors at the very beginning of its formation, but stubbornly continues to publicly adhere to the image of ‘moderate Islam’ that sells well in Western countries.
For north-eastern Syria and the Kurdish liberation movement, this year was historic in its own way. The main event was the dissolution of the PKK, which was accompanied by the withdrawal of guerrillas from the mountains of Bakur. The disarmament ceremony — literally the destruction of weapons — evoked many emotions. It became a symbol of the conclusion of an entire era of revolutionary struggle, not only for Kurdistan but for the whole world. After the announcement of the dissolution, we took a break from publishing analyses and focused directly on the events in order to better understand the situation and avoid jumping to conclusions. This turned out to be for the best: we had the opportunity to study the ideological and strategic aspects of this decision in greater depth and to truly understand the position of the Kurdish liberation movement on these issues, rather than simply broadcasting our assumptions.
Another important topic this year was the negotiations with the new Syrian government and the so-called integration of the SDF into the state's armed forces. Nobody fully understands how this will work in practice, but the strategic component of this decision is clear. The democratic integration that the Apoist movement talks about is one of the programmatic steps proposed by Abdullah Öcalan in his ‘Manifesto for Peace and Democratic Society.’ In this sense, the SDF is quite consistently following the path it has set out. Such integration does not imply assimilation — autonomy remains autonomy, revolution remains revolution — but it can also provide more opportunities to spread the ideas of democratic confederalism beyond the borders of north-east Syria, and the region itself can overcome the blockade under which it has been since the beginning of the revolution. This is also ideologically consistent for the Apoists: a revolution cannot be built in isolation, freedom on a separate piece of land is not freedom. Everyone must be free.
For a year now, we have been publishing regular reports on the situation in Syria and our assessment of it. Even when you are in the region, it is often difficult to untangle the web of events unfolding there — a year ago, we called it 4D chess. And that is still how it feels today: Syria is the object of interest for many countries of various stripes, each of which is trying to grab its piece of influence, taking advantage of the turbulent situation caused by the fall of Assad's dictatorial regime.
The balance of power in the region shifted rapidly, with Russia and Iran's influence virtually disappearing immediately after Damascus was captured by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham militants. Now that Syria is ruled by former Al-Nusra militants led by Jolani, the United States has become much more involved in all matters of the state. This is particularly evident when it comes to negotiations: America has taken on the role of ‘facilitator’ in the dialogue between Damascus and north-eastern Syria. Turkey was initially at the center of events, sponsoring the march on Damascus and, taking advantage of the opportunity, directing SNA attacks on the autonomous region.
Syria under Jolani has already suffered enormous losses. Thousands of civilians killed in massacres involving government forces, first on the coast in Latakia and then in the south in Suwayda, were not victims of circumstances, but of the consistent policy of fundamentalists. The new regime did not keep us waiting; it showed its true colors at the very beginning of its formation, but stubbornly continues to publicly adhere to the image of ‘moderate Islam’ that sells well in Western countries.
For north-eastern Syria and the Kurdish liberation movement, this year was historic in its own way. The main event was the dissolution of the PKK, which was accompanied by the withdrawal of guerrillas from the mountains of Bakur. The disarmament ceremony — literally the destruction of weapons — evoked many emotions. It became a symbol of the conclusion of an entire era of revolutionary struggle, not only for Kurdistan but for the whole world. After the announcement of the dissolution, we took a break from publishing analyses and focused directly on the events in order to better understand the situation and avoid jumping to conclusions. This turned out to be for the best: we had the opportunity to study the ideological and strategic aspects of this decision in greater depth and to truly understand the position of the Kurdish liberation movement on these issues, rather than simply broadcasting our assumptions.
Another important topic this year was the negotiations with the new Syrian government and the so-called integration of the SDF into the state's armed forces. Nobody fully understands how this will work in practice, but the strategic component of this decision is clear. The democratic integration that the Apoist movement talks about is one of the programmatic steps proposed by Abdullah Öcalan in his ‘Manifesto for Peace and Democratic Society.’ In this sense, the SDF is quite consistently following the path it has set out. Such integration does not imply assimilation — autonomy remains autonomy, revolution remains revolution — but it can also provide more opportunities to spread the ideas of democratic confederalism beyond the borders of north-east Syria, and the region itself can overcome the blockade under which it has been since the beginning of the revolution. This is also ideologically consistent for the Apoists: a revolution cannot be built in isolation, freedom on a separate piece of land is not freedom. Everyone must be free.
For now, it does not appear that the agreements reached on 10 March will end with a return to the previous level of military tension, but people here are prepared for any developments. One thing is clear: sooner or later, war will break out again in this region if no other solutions for the coexistence of peoples and states are found. Democratic autonomy has an answer to these questions. Only time will tell how interested the states will be in resolving problems in a way that is goes against state logic.
We are still writing about events in Syria from the ground. For us, this is not only an interesting experiment, a slice of history that can help people outside these territories to better understand what is happening and see events from a different perspective. For us it is a struggle full of contradictions and problems. On every step of this path we face many questions and doubts. Revolution is never perfect. Nevertheless, we decided to be part of it and accept all its risks, challenges and consequences. Thank you for staying with us!
Warmest revolutionary greetings! 🖤
We are still writing about events in Syria from the ground. For us, this is not only an interesting experiment, a slice of history that can help people outside these territories to better understand what is happening and see events from a different perspective. For us it is a struggle full of contradictions and problems. On every step of this path we face many questions and doubts. Revolution is never perfect. Nevertheless, we decided to be part of it and accept all its risks, challenges and consequences. Thank you for staying with us!
Warmest revolutionary greetings! 🖤