Do not let injustice sadden you...
Let it radicalize you!

“Whether Property can be squared with Justice. — When the injustice of property is strongly felt (and the hand of the great clock is once more at this place), we formulate two methods of relieving this injustice: either an equal distribution, or an abolition of private possession and a return to State ownership. The latter method is especially dear to the hearts of our [State] Socialists, who are angry with that primitive Jew for saying, ‘Thou shalt not steal.’ In their view the eighth commandment should rather run, ‘Thou shalt not possess.’ – The former method was frequently tried in antiquity, always indeed on a small scale, and yet with poor success. From this failure we too may learn. ‘Equal plots of land’ is easily enough said, but how much bitterness is aroused by the necessary division and separation, by the loss of time-honored possessions, how much piety is wounded and sacrificed! We uproot the foundation of morality when we uproot boundary-stones. Again, how much fresh bitterness among the new owners, how much envy and looking askance! For there have never been two really equal plots of land, and if there were, human envy of one's neighbor would prevent one from believing in their equality. And how long would this equality, unhealthy and poisoned at the very roots, endure? In a few generations, by inheritance, here one plot would come to five owners, there five plots to one. Even supposing that people acquiesced in such abuses through the enactment of stern laws of inheritance, the same equal plots would indeed exist, but there would also be needy malcontents, owning nothing but dislike of their kinsmen and neighbors, and longing for a general upheaval. – If, however, by the second method we try to restore ownership to the community and make the individual but a temporary tenant, we interfere with agriculture. For humans are opposed to all that is only a transitory possession, unblessed with their own care and sacrifice. With such property they behave in freebooter fashion, as robbers or as worthless spendthrifts. When Plato declares that self-seeking would be removed with the abolition of property, we may answer him that, if self-seeking be taken away, humans will no longer possess the four cardinal virtues either; as we must say that the most deadly plague could not injure humanity so terribly as if vanity were one day to disappear. Without vanity and self-seeking what are human virtues? By this I am far from meaning that these virtues are but varied names and masks for these two qualities. Plato's Utopian refrain, which is still sung by Socialists, rests upon a deficient knowledge of humans. He lacked the historical science of moral emotions, the insight into the origin of the good and useful characteristics of the human soul. He believed, like all antiquity, in good and evil as in black and white – that is to say, in a radical difference between good and bad people and good and bad qualities. – In order that property may henceforth inspire more confidence and become more moral, we should keep open all the paths of work for small fortunes, but should prevent the effortless and sudden acquisition of wealth. Accordingly, we should take all the branches of transport and trade which favour the accumulation of large fortunes – especially, therefore, the money market – out of the hands of private persons or private companies, and look upon those who own too much, just as upon those who own nothing, as types fraught with danger to the community.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 285)

Neoliberal ideology and the false (and ugly) promises of capitalism

  (We shall not be these unimaginative people that Nietzsche aptly described as “the grumbling, oppressed, rebellious ranks of slaves who are looking to be masters (which they call ‘being free’)”…)

“The Value of Labor. — If we try to determine the value of labor by the amount of time, industry, good or bad will, constraint, inventiveness or laziness, honesty or make-believe bestowed upon it, the valuation can never be a just one. For the whole personality would have to be thrown into the scale, and this is impossible. Here the motto is, ‘Judge not!’ But after all the cry for justice is the cry we now hear from those who are dissatisfied with the present valuation of labor. If we reflect further we find every person non-responsible for his product, the labor; hence merit can never be derived therefrom, and every labor is as good or as bad as it must be through this or that necessary constellation of forces and weaknesses, abilities and desires. The worker is not at liberty to say whether he shall work or not, or to decide how he shall work. Only the standpoints of usefulness, wider and narrower, have created the valuation of labor. What we at present call justice does very well in this sphere as a highly refined utility, which does not only consider the moment and exploit the immediate opportunity, but looks to the permanence of all conditions, and thus also keeps in view the well-being of the worker, his physical and spiritual contentment: in order that he and his posterity may work well for our posterity and become trustworthy for longer periods than the individual span of human life. The exploitation of the worker was, as we now understand, a piece of folly, a robbery at the expense of the future, a jeopardization of society. We almost have the war now, and in any case the expense of maintaining peace, of concluding treaties and winning confidence, will henceforth be very great, because the folly of the exploiters was very great and long-lasting.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 286)

This damned system, so hideously despicable, really bores one to death, i.e., if one has a certain sense of pride and taste

But all these tasteless, shallow people seem to fit in rather well, becoming consumerist zombie-bots who chase the empty dreams set up by those very monsters who exploit them

On passive submission to the system

“How far Machinery Humiliates. — Machinery is impersonal; it robs the piece of work of its pride, of the individual merits and defects that cling to all work that is not machine-made – in other words, of its bit of humanity. Formerly, all buying from handicraftsmen meant a mark of distinction for their personalities, with whose productions people surrounded themselves. Furniture and dress accordingly became the symbols of mutual valuation and personal connection. Nowadays, on the other hand, we seem to live in the midst of anonymous and impersonal serfdom. – We must not buy the facilitation of labor too dearly. [We don't have to buy the facilitation of work at too high a price.]”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 288)

“There comes a point in time when humans have an abundance of power [Kraft; strength] at their disposal. Science aims at establishing this slavery of nature.

Then humans acquire leisure: to cultivate themselves into something new, higher. A new aristocracy. It is then that a large number of virtues which are now conditions of existence are superseded.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
The Will to Power (953)

Mf probably meant an actual imperialist aristocracy (as opposed to a libertarian aristocracy; reference to Renzo Novatore)

but doesn't matter, the quote is good, we've stolen it...

Why, Nietzsche himself was critical of "systematizers":

“I mistrust all systematizers and avoid them. The will to a system is a lack of integrity.”

(Twilight of the Idols, 1. 26)

So, why should we construct an imaginary system of thought called "Nietzscheanism" and worship at its shrine?

We can just take all the good, anarchist insights he had—he had many of them—and reject the nonsense

Liberal politics of representation vs liberation

“Century-old Quarantine. — Democratic institutions are centres of quarantine against the old plague of tyrannical desires. As such they are extremely useful and extremely tedious.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 289)

“The Most Dangerous Partisan. — The most dangerous partisan is he whose defection would involve the ruin of the whole party – in other words, the best partisan.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 290)

the radical potential of existence

“The Victory of Democracy. — All political powers nowadays attempt to exploit the fear of Socialism for their own strengthening. Yet in the long run democracy alone gains the advantage, for all parties are now compelled to flatter ‘the masses’ and grant them facilities and liberties of all kinds, with the result that the masses finally become omnipotent. The masses are as far as possible removed from Socialism as a doctrine of altering the acquisition of property. If once they get the steering-wheel into their hands, through great majorities in their Parliaments, they will attack with progressive taxation the whole dominant system of capitalists, merchants, and financiers, and will in fact slowly create a middle class which may forget Socialism like a disease that has been overcome. – The practical result of this increasing democratization will next be a European league of nations, in which each individual nation, delimited by the proper geographical frontiers, has the position of a canton with its separate rights. Small account will be taken of the historic memories of previously existing nations, because the pious affection for these memories will be gradually uprooted under the democratic régime, with all its craze for novelty and experiment. The corrections of frontiers that will prove necessary will be so carried out as to serve the interests of the great cantons and at the same time that of the whole federation, but not that of any venerable memories. To find the standpoints for these corrections will be the task of future diplomats, who will have to be at the same time students of civilization, agriculturists, and commercial experts, with no armies but motives and utilities at their back. Then only will foreign and home politics be inseparably connected, whereas today the latter follows its haughty dictator, and gleans in sorry baskets the stubble that is left over from the harvest of the former.”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 292)

“Goal and Means of Democracy. — Democracy tries to create and guarantee independence for as many as possible in their opinions, way of life, and occupation. For this purpose democracy must withhold the political suffrage both from those who have nothing and from those who are really rich, as being the two intolerable classes of people. At the removal of these classes it must always work, because they are continually calling its task in question. In the same way democracy must prevent all measures that seem to aim at party organization. For the three great foes of independence, in that threefold sense, are the have-nots, the rich, and the parties. – I speak of democracy as of a thing to come. What at present goes by that name is distinguished from older forms of government only by the fact that it drives with new horses; the roads and the wheels are the same as of yore. – Has the danger really become less with these conveyances of the commonwealth?”

— Friedrich Nietzsche,
Human, All Too Human (Part II) (§2. 293)

das schöpferische Nichts

“If God, if mankind, as you affirm, have substance enough in themselves to be all in all to themselves, then I feel that I shall still less lack that, and that I shall have no complaint to make of my ‘emptiness.’ I am not nothing in the sense of emptiness, but I am the creative nothing, the nothing out of which I myself as creator create everything.”

— Max Stirner

"If religion has set up the proposition that we are sinners altogether, I set over against it the other: we are perfect altogether!

For we are, every moment, all that we can be; and we never need be more."

Max Stirner, The Ego and Its Own