Forwarded from The Communists
Red Salute for Harpal Brar
by John Cartwright
From Punjab came in ’Sixty-Two
At first with Mao’s Red Book;
He analysed and thought it through:
A different path he took.
He set up with the Gang of Five
To keep a bright red flame;
Unswervingly he kept alive
His faith in Stalin’s aim.
From R.M.L. and A. of C.
He split from Scargill’s crew;
For twenty years C.P.G.B.
M.L. was always true.
And now he’s gone with Red salute
“We only want the Earth”
To gather revolution’s fruit
He strived for since his birth.
by John Cartwright
From Punjab came in ’Sixty-Two
At first with Mao’s Red Book;
He analysed and thought it through:
A different path he took.
He set up with the Gang of Five
To keep a bright red flame;
Unswervingly he kept alive
His faith in Stalin’s aim.
From R.M.L. and A. of C.
He split from Scargill’s crew;
For twenty years C.P.G.B.
M.L. was always true.
And now he’s gone with Red salute
“We only want the Earth”
To gather revolution’s fruit
He strived for since his birth.
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Forwarded from Communism
The modern state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine — the state of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national capital. The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more citizens does it exploit.
Anti-Dühring by Frederick Engels 1877
@Communism
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Forwarded from KFA UK
106 years ago on the 1st of March 1919 , the Korean people rose up against the colonial enslavement of the cruel Japanese imperialists .The reactionary Japanese imperialists brutally suppressed the uprising by force killing many innocent people. A total of 7 500 people were killed, 46 900 arrested and jailed and 15 900 wounded. This shows the gruesome barbarity of the samurai-wielding bloodthirsty Japanese imperialists.
Japan has never apologized for its crimes nor has it paid reparations to the Korean people. Instead, top Japanese politicians visit the shrine of the war criminals.
Japan has never apologized for its crimes nor has it paid reparations to the Korean people. Instead, top Japanese politicians visit the shrine of the war criminals.
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The first biography of Lenin was published on May 13, 1917 in the Bolshevik newspaper Soldatskaya Pravda.
Abroad, the first biography of Vladimir Ilyich appeared on November 28, 1917 in the magazine “Bulletin of the Russian Revolution” - the organ of the Foreign Representation of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) in Stockholm.
Source.
Abroad, the first biography of Vladimir Ilyich appeared on November 28, 1917 in the magazine “Bulletin of the Russian Revolution” - the organ of the Foreign Representation of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) in Stockholm.
Source.
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Forwarded from USSR Pictures
Meeting of Fidel Castro with Cuban students studying in Minsk. Belarusian SSR, 1972
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Forwarded from Communism
Gouache painting "Lenin", by Mylnikov, 1946
@Communism
Take the fundamental laws of modern states, take their administration, take freedom of assembly, freedom of the press, or “equality of all citizens before the law,” and you will see at every turn evidence of the hypocrisy of bourgeois democracy with which every honest and class-conscious worker is familiar. There is not a single state, however democratic, which has no loopholes or reservations in its constitution guaranteeing the bourgeoisie the possibility of dispatching troops against the workers, of proclaiming martial law, and so forth, in case of a “violation of public order,” and actually in case the exploited class “violates” its position of slavery and tries to behave in a non-slavish manner. Kautsky shamelessly embellishes bourgeois democracy and omits to mention, for instance, how the most democratic and republican bourgeoisie in America or Switzerland deal with workers on strike.
Lenin
The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsk
@Communism
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Forwarded from Communism
"V. I. Lenin in Riga", painting by Janis Andris Osis, 1985
@Communism
The liberals approach the language question in the same way as they approach all political questions—like hypocritical hucksters, holding out one hand (openly) to democracy and the other (behind their backs) to the feudalists and police.
Vladimir Lenin
Critical Remarks on the National Question
@Communism
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Forwarded from Marx Engels Lenin Institute
🌏 106 years ago, on March 2, 1919, the First (founding) Congress of the Communist International opened in Moscow.
It was attended by 52 delegates from 35 parties and groups from 21 countries. Representatives of the communist parties of Soviet Russia, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Poland, Finland and other countries, as well as a number of communist groups (Czech, Bulgarian, Yugoslav, English, French, Swiss, etc.) took part in the congress. The social democratic parties of Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, the USA, and the Balkan Revolutionary Social Democratic Federation were represented at the congress.
The congress discussed and adopted the platform of the Communist International , developed on the basis of the instructions of V.I. Lenin. The new era, which began with the victory of the October Revolution, was characterized in the platform as an era of the disintegration of capitalism, its internal collapse, an era of the communist revolution of the proletariat. The task of winning and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat was on the order of the day, the path to which lies through the consolidation of all revolutionary forces, a break with opportunism of all stripes, through the international solidarity of workers. In view of this, the congress recognized the need for the immediate founding of the Communist International.
One of the most important programmatic documents of the Comintern is the theses and report of V.I. Lenin on bourgeois democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat presented to the 1st Congress. In his report, V.I. Lenin showed that bourgeois democracy, which the parties of the 2nd International defended under the guise of "democracy in general", is always in essence a class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, a dictatorship of the minority, while the dictatorship of the proletariat, suppressing the resistance of the overthrown classes in the name of the interests of the majority, means democracy for the workers.
The Congress adopted a Manifesto to the Proletarians of the Whole World , which stated that the communists gathered in Moscow, representatives of the revolutionary proletariat of Europe, America and Asia, feel and recognize themselves as the successors and executors of the cause, the program of which was proclaimed by the founders of scientific communism, K. Marx and F. Engels, in the “Manifesto of the Communist Party.”
Assessing the role that the new International was to play, Lenin wrote in April 1919 that the Communist International "... accepted the fruits of the work of the Second International, cut away its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois filth and began to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat." At the 1st Congress of the Comintern, according to Lenin, "... only the banner of communism was raised, around which the forces of the revolutionary proletariat were to gather." The full formation of the international proletarian organization of the new type was to be carried out by the 2nd Congress.
This post is a translation of a post from Kommunisti Mir
It was attended by 52 delegates from 35 parties and groups from 21 countries. Representatives of the communist parties of Soviet Russia, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Poland, Finland and other countries, as well as a number of communist groups (Czech, Bulgarian, Yugoslav, English, French, Swiss, etc.) took part in the congress. The social democratic parties of Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, the USA, and the Balkan Revolutionary Social Democratic Federation were represented at the congress.
The congress discussed and adopted the platform of the Communist International , developed on the basis of the instructions of V.I. Lenin. The new era, which began with the victory of the October Revolution, was characterized in the platform as an era of the disintegration of capitalism, its internal collapse, an era of the communist revolution of the proletariat. The task of winning and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat was on the order of the day, the path to which lies through the consolidation of all revolutionary forces, a break with opportunism of all stripes, through the international solidarity of workers. In view of this, the congress recognized the need for the immediate founding of the Communist International.
One of the most important programmatic documents of the Comintern is the theses and report of V.I. Lenin on bourgeois democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat presented to the 1st Congress. In his report, V.I. Lenin showed that bourgeois democracy, which the parties of the 2nd International defended under the guise of "democracy in general", is always in essence a class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, a dictatorship of the minority, while the dictatorship of the proletariat, suppressing the resistance of the overthrown classes in the name of the interests of the majority, means democracy for the workers.
The Congress adopted a Manifesto to the Proletarians of the Whole World , which stated that the communists gathered in Moscow, representatives of the revolutionary proletariat of Europe, America and Asia, feel and recognize themselves as the successors and executors of the cause, the program of which was proclaimed by the founders of scientific communism, K. Marx and F. Engels, in the “Manifesto of the Communist Party.”
Assessing the role that the new International was to play, Lenin wrote in April 1919 that the Communist International "... accepted the fruits of the work of the Second International, cut away its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois filth and began to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat." At the 1st Congress of the Comintern, according to Lenin, "... only the banner of communism was raised, around which the forces of the revolutionary proletariat were to gather." The full formation of the international proletarian organization of the new type was to be carried out by the 2nd Congress.
This post is a translation of a post from Kommunisti Mir
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Forwarded from Marx Engels Lenin Institute
154 years ago, on March 5, 1871, Rosa Luxemburg was born – an outstanding figure in the German, Polish and international labor movement, a Marxist theorist, philosopher, economist and publicist, one of the founders of the Communist Party of Germany.
Rosa Luxemburg was born in Zamość (Poland) into a bourgeois family. From the age of 15 she took part in the revolutionary movement. In 1889, due to mass arrests, she emigrated from Poland abroad. In 1893, she participated in the creation of the Social Democratic Party of Poland. From 1897, she worked almost continuously in the German Social Democratic Party, heading its left wing, and in the Second International.
In 1905, during the First Russian Revolution, she illegally arrived in Warsaw. She participated in the work of the V Congress of the RSDLP. In 1906, she was arrested and upon her release, she returned to Germany.
Beginning in the 1890s, Rosa Luxemburg waged an uncompromising struggle against revisionism, defining it as a type of petty-bourgeois reformist ideology, and contrasted it with revolutionary Marxism. She spent almost the entire duration of World War I (from March 1915) in prison, from where she established contact with left-wing social democrats and participated in the creation of the International group, which stood for proletarian internationalism. In prison, she wrote the brochure The Crisis of Social Democracy under the pseudonym Junius. After leaving prison (November 10, 1918), R. Luxemburg, together with K. Liebknecht, K. Zetkin and W. Pieck, led the revolutionary struggle of the German proletariat.
After the November Revolution of 1918 in Germany, R. Luxemburg broke with social democracy and took a leading part in the Founding Congress of the Communist Party of Germany (December 1918). Relying on the experience of the Bolsheviks, R. Luxemburg exposed parliamentary cretinism, the Kautskyite theory of pure democracy, and defended the slogan of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the Soviets in Germany.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin highly valued the revolutionary merits of Rosa Luxemburg. He called her "an eagle, a great communist, a representative of unfalsified, revolutionary Marxism" , emphasizing that her works "...will be a most useful lesson for the education of many generations of communists throughout the world." (Lenin V.I. "On the History of the Question of Dictatorship" (1920))
After the suppression of the Berlin workers' uprising in January 1919, Rosa Luxemburg, along with her party comrade K. Liebknecht, was arrested and brutally murdered by counter-revolutionaries on January 15, 1919.
This is a translation of a post that originally appeared on the Kommunisti Mir channel
Rosa Luxemburg was born in Zamość (Poland) into a bourgeois family. From the age of 15 she took part in the revolutionary movement. In 1889, due to mass arrests, she emigrated from Poland abroad. In 1893, she participated in the creation of the Social Democratic Party of Poland. From 1897, she worked almost continuously in the German Social Democratic Party, heading its left wing, and in the Second International.
In 1905, during the First Russian Revolution, she illegally arrived in Warsaw. She participated in the work of the V Congress of the RSDLP. In 1906, she was arrested and upon her release, she returned to Germany.
Beginning in the 1890s, Rosa Luxemburg waged an uncompromising struggle against revisionism, defining it as a type of petty-bourgeois reformist ideology, and contrasted it with revolutionary Marxism. She spent almost the entire duration of World War I (from March 1915) in prison, from where she established contact with left-wing social democrats and participated in the creation of the International group, which stood for proletarian internationalism. In prison, she wrote the brochure The Crisis of Social Democracy under the pseudonym Junius. After leaving prison (November 10, 1918), R. Luxemburg, together with K. Liebknecht, K. Zetkin and W. Pieck, led the revolutionary struggle of the German proletariat.
After the November Revolution of 1918 in Germany, R. Luxemburg broke with social democracy and took a leading part in the Founding Congress of the Communist Party of Germany (December 1918). Relying on the experience of the Bolsheviks, R. Luxemburg exposed parliamentary cretinism, the Kautskyite theory of pure democracy, and defended the slogan of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the Soviets in Germany.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin highly valued the revolutionary merits of Rosa Luxemburg. He called her "an eagle, a great communist, a representative of unfalsified, revolutionary Marxism" , emphasizing that her works "...will be a most useful lesson for the education of many generations of communists throughout the world." (Lenin V.I. "On the History of the Question of Dictatorship" (1920))
After the suppression of the Berlin workers' uprising in January 1919, Rosa Luxemburg, along with her party comrade K. Liebknecht, was arrested and brutally murdered by counter-revolutionaries on January 15, 1919.
This is a translation of a post that originally appeared on the Kommunisti Mir channel
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A few words about wreckers, saboteurs, spies, etc. Now, I think, it is clear to everyone that the present-day wreckers and saboteurs, no matter what flag they disguise themselves under - Trotskyist or Bukharinist - have long ceased to be a political current in the workers' movement, that they have turned into an unprincipled and unprincipled gang of professional wreckers, saboteurs, spies, murderers. It is clear that these gentlemen will have to be smashed and rooted out mercilessly, as enemies of the working class, as traitors to our Motherland. This is clear and does not require further explanation.
J.V. Stalin.
Defects in Party Work and Measures for Liquidating Trotskyite and Other Double Dealers
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Forwarded from Ian Foster ☭
The writer Sherwood Anderson, who wrote the novel Winesburg Ohio, was asked "What's the difference between a socialist and a communist?" He said " I don't know the technical difference, but it seems to me like the communists, they're the ones who mean it."
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